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From the collection of the 

7 n 

T> r m 

o Prelinger 

i a 




San Francisco, California 




Agenda for the American people, Clm.^-. 


Air age transportation, Ogburn, 55 
Aladdin's wonderful lamp, Kaempffert, 


Alcoholism, roads to, Myerson, 49 
Allied choices, three, Hill, 478 
American choices, Mlllis, 241 
American invasion, Mclver, 165 
Among ourselves, 3, 35, S3, 115 
Amphibious medicine, Brunner, 443 
Anti-discriminatory legislation : On the 
calendar of our consciences, Polier, Jus- 
tine and Shad, 47 


"Alert, the," painting by Alex Mac- 
pherson, 203 

"Atomic power," cartoon by Fitz- 
patrick, 356 

"Attila," etching by Ralph Fabri, 155 

"Bernard M. Baruch." bronze sculp- 
ture by Max Kalish, 401 

"Britain's heritage," wartime post- 
ers, 184 

"Bullets and Barbed Wire," drawing 
by Kerr Bby, 289 

China in wartime, 130 

"China's pursuit of light," Li Hwa, 
cover illustration, Apr. 

"Common Stream of Justice," murals 
by Boardman Robinson, 236 

"Communal Feeding Center," painting 
by Leonard Daniels. 204 

Cover illustrations, see Cover illus- 

"Ebb Tide, Tarawa," drawing by 
Kerr Bby. 288 

"Encamped Britain," paintings by 
David Lax, 158 

"Franklin Delano Roosevelt, 1882- 
1945," portrait bust by Jo David- 
son, 169 

"Ghost Trail," drawing by Kerr Eby, 

"Manufacturing the Larger Size 
Bombs," painting by Leslie Cole. 

"President Harry S. Truman," bronze 
sculpture by Max Kalish, 308 

"Ruby Luftus, skilled war worker," 
painting by Dame Laura Knight, 

"Sandbag Workers," painting by 

Ethel Gabain, 205 
"Small Mortar Loading," drawing by 

Kerr Eby, 287 
"Tarawa : Deathless Victory On the 

Island of Death," drawing by Kerr 

Eby, 288 
"V-splrit of the people," paintings, 

"Vannevar Bush," bronze sculpture 

by Max Kalish, 428 
"We Couldn't Have Done So Good 

Without Him," drawing by Kerr 

Eby, 289 

"Women's Land Army : Dairy Train- 
ing," painting by Evelyn Dunbar, 


Atlantic Charter : 

Four freedoms and, Shotwell, 172 
Text of, 168 

Atomic bombshell, the. Gilflllan, 357 
Atomic energy, control of, Shotwell 407 
Australia: Partners in the Soutlh Pacific 
Nevins, 228 

Babies on the doorstep, Davis, 438 
Book reviews : 

Abend, Hallet, Treaty ports, 132 
Adams. James Truslow, Big business 

in a democracy, 453 
Alland and Wise, The Springfield 

plan, 449 

Authoritarian attempt to capture edu- 
cation, 451 

Baker, Ray Stannard, American 
chronicle, 136 

Bartlett. Ruhl J., The league to en- 
force peace, 69 

Beals, Carleton. et al. What the 
South Americans think of us, 454 

Becker, John, Negro in American 
life, 332 

Berge, Wendell. Cartels challenge 
to a free world. 72 

Beveridge, Sir William, The price of 
peace, 448 

Binper, Carl, The doctor's job. 299 

Brandt, Karl, The recontruction of 
world agriculture, 136 

Brogan, D. W., The free state, 488 

Bryson, Finkelstein, and Maclver, 
Approaches to world peace, 69 

Buck, Pearl S.. Tell the people, 132 

Chase, Stuart, Democracy under pres- 
sure, 298 

Chase, Stuart, Men at work, 348 

Chatto and Halllgan. The story of 
the Springfield plan, 449 

Churchill, Henry S., The c-ity is the 
people, 449 

Clark, John Maurice, DemobWasation 
of wartime economic controls, 298 

Cleghorn, Sarah, The seamless robe, 

Colcord, Carver, Sea language conies 
ashore, 105 

Collins, Frederick L., Uncle Sam's 
billion-dollar baby. 455 

Daniels. Josephus, The Wilson Era : 
Years of peace 1910-1917. 25 

Davis, Harriet Eager, ed., Pioneers 
in icorld order, 448 

deHusxiu 1 . George B., New perspec- 
tives on peace, 104 

Du Bois, W. E. B., Color and democ- 
racy, 415 

Duffus. R. L., The valley and its peo- 
ple. 71 

Karhart, Mary. Frances Willard, 74 

Eddy, Sherwood, / have seen God 
work in China. 132 

Kmbree, John P., The Japanese na- 
tion, 415 

Ernst, Morris L., The best is yet, 297 

Feis. Herbert, The sinews of peace, 

Finer, Herman, The TV A lessons 
for international application, 71 

Finletter. Thomas K., Can repre- 
sentative government do the job 

Fitzpatrick, Edward, McCarthy of 
Wisconsin, 74 

Fleisher. Wilfrid, What to do with 
Japan, 134 

Forman. Harrison, Report from Red 
China, 132 

Fry, Varian, Surrender on demand. 
349 , 

Ooldmann. Franz, Public medical 
care. 488 

Gordon, R. A., Business leadership 
in the large corporation. 298 

Graham, George A., and Reining-. 
Henry. Jr., Regulatory administra- 
tion, 28 

Gruber. Ruth, 7 went to the Soviet 
Arctic, 73 

Hansen, Alvin H., America's role in 
the world economy, 348 

Hansen. Alvin H.. and Perloff, Har- 
vey S., State and local finance in 
the national economy, 27 

Harvard Committee, General educa- 
tion in a free society. 376 

Hauser, Heinrich, The German talks 
back, 488 

Hinshaw, David, A man from Kansas, 

Jaffe, Bernard, Men of science in 
America, 348 

Jensen, Vernon H., Lumber and la- 
bor, 454 

Juran, J. M., Bureaucracy: A chal- 
lenge to better management, 28 

Kingdon. Frank, An uncommon man : 

Henry Wallace and 60 million jobi, 

T.a Farge, Oliver, Raw material, 347 

Ijasker, Bruno. Asia on the more, 

Lawrence, Josephine, Let us consider 
one another, 331 

Lorwin, Lewis L., Time for planning, 

MacNeil. Neil, An American peace, 

Maki, John M., Japanese militarism, 
its cause and cure, 331 

McWilliams, Carey, Prejudice : Jap- 
anese Americans, symbol of racial 
intolerance, 415 

Miller, Arthur. Situation normal, 138 

Milletl. Fred B., The rebirth of lib- 
eral education, 137 

Mises, Ludwig von, Omnipotent gov- 
ernment, 104 

Morgan, Arthur E., Edward Bellamy, 

Mumford, Lewis, City development, 

Murphy. Gardner, ed.. Human na- 
ture and endurinij pence, 416 

Niggi, Josephina, Mexican village, 

Norris, George E., Fiuhtino liberal. 

Ortega y Gasset, Jose, Mission of the 
university, 137 

Palencia, Isabel de, Smouldering free- 
dom, 450 

Payne, Robert. Forerrr China, 450 

Perry, Ralph Barton, One world in 
the makintj. 447 

Richter, Werner, Re-educating Ger- 
many, 415 

Pink, Louis H., Freedom from fear, 
an author replies, 75 

Rosenman, Dorotihy, Million homes 
a year, 296 

Rosinger, Lawrence K.. China's crisis. 

Roth. Andrew, Dilemma in Japan, 

RumI, Beardsley, Tomorrow's busi- 
ness, 298 

Sands and Lalley, Our jungle diplo- 
macy, 70 

Shaw, Bernard. Everybody's political 
what's what, 70 

Smith and Zucher, A dictionary of 
American politics, 75 

Snow, Edgar, Pattern of Soviet 
power. 490 

Staley, Eugene. World economic de- 
velopment, 70 

Stapleton. Laurence, Justice and 
world society, 72 

Stegner. Wallace, One nation. 452 

Tillich, Paul J., et al, The Christian 
answer, 448 

Tocqueyille, Alexis de. Democracy in 
America. 332 

Tong, Hollington K., China after 
seven years of war, 132 

Twentieth Century Fund, The pnti-rr 
industry and the public interest, 71 

Wales, Nym, The Chinese labor 
movement, 132 

Walton, Frank L., Thread of victory, 

Warburg, James P., Foreign policy 
br/iins at home. 69 

Ward, Robert S., Asia for the Asi- 
afirs, 414 

Welles, Sumner. ed.. An intelligent 
American's guide to peace, 349 

White, Walter, A rising wind. 452 

Ziff. William B., The gentlemen talk 
of peace. 70 

Zucker. Morris, The philosophy of 
American History, 489 

Bridges of the future, Shotwell. James 

T., 37 

British viewpoints, symposium, 185 
By their French bootstraps, Roche, 476 

California's health insurance drama, Sar- 

tain, 440 
Canada : Northern neighbor, MacCormac, 


Cartoons : Fitzpatrick in St. Louis Post- 
Dispatch, Mar. cover 

Charter of the Golden Gate, Shotwell, 309 
Child labor: They harvest New York's 

crops, Close, 21 

China in wartime, woodcuts, 130 
Citizenship, trail-blazers in, Carlson, 362 
Clean sweep in Puerto Rico, Clark, 63 
Close-up, Gannett, 15'J 
Collective bargaining-, new boundaries in, 

Harris, 433 
Congress: Will Congress clean house? 

Kreighbaum, 409 
Conscription, postwar, why now? Thayer. 

Cover illustrations : 

Bow of hospital ship "Solace," of 

Okinawa ( photograph ) , Nov. 
Call to work (photograph), Oct. 
Cartoon by Fitzpatrick, Mar. 
Crossed flags, Reiss, May 
Helicopter, Aviation News, Feb. 
Hungry, stateless, displaced persons 

(photograph), Dec. 
Liberty alight after V-E Day (photo- 
graph), June 

Modern research, U. S. Rubber Com- 
pany (photograph), Jan. 
"Pursuit of liglht," Li Hwa, Apr. 
Stettinius. Edward R. (photograph), 

Television control rfoom (photograph). 


Victory, Sept. 
Crops, New York's, harvest of, Close, 21 

Delinquents, they can be made over, Mc- 

Cormick, 127 
Displaced persons : A USA close-up, 

Karpf, 282 
Dumbarton hopes, Mowrer, 3 


Economic bill of rights. Murray. 397 
"Economic high command," Batt and 

Mullen, 181 
Education : 

In a complex world, Hansen, 103 
Reconversion on the campus, Thomp- 
son, 366 
Veteran goes to college, Andrews, 

Electron tube : Aladdin's wonderful lamp, 

Kaempffert, 89 
Employment, full : 
Act of 1945, 395 
American bill : From patchwork to 

purpose, Keyserling, 95 
British plan : What Beveridge pro- 
poses, Stewart, 93 
Postwar taxes and, Newcomer, 60 
Europe and the Mediterranean, Dean, 190 

Farmers must go fishing, Davis, 125 
Figlhting against time. Lehman, 474 
Finch, Earl M., "An ordinary American." 

Close, 52 

Flanner House (photographs), 338 
Fortunate city, Riis and Waldron, 339 
Four freedoms : 

Atlantic charter and, Shotwell. 172 

Text of, 170 

From the rubble up, Hagen, 477 
Full Employment Act of 1945. 395 
Future is already here, Amidon, 6 


Germany : 

Four horsemen over, Hagen, 434 
Looking in on the Germans. Hansen, 


What shall we do about? Shotwell. 99 
Ginger in the British medicine chest. 

Davis, 212 

Go political, young man, Fischer, 322 
Great Britain : 

American invasion, Mclver, 165 
British viewpoints: As tihey ft- it. 

Ginger In the British medicine chest. 

Davis, 212 

Things of the spirit, Commager. 237 
United Kingdom since Dunkirk. 

Browne, 206 

What the British face. Coyle. 213 
When the coalition ends, Barnes, 2"! 
Great partnership, the, Reed. 178 


Hatch. D. Sprncer : Neighbor in n Jlcxi- 

can valley, McEvoy, 290 
Health : 

Babies on the doorstep, Davis, 438 
Better, for country folks. Glover and 

Harding, 372 
California's insurance drama. S;>r- 

tain, 440 

Care for all, Davis, 280 
Farmers must go fishing, Davis, }-'< 
Ginger in the British medicine chi-si. 

Davis, 212 

Legs of the hospital bed. Davis. :!2S 
More things than one, Davis", 342 
Progress, a milestone in, Davis, 185 
Public health in the postwar world. 

Winslow, 119 
Statesmen discover medical care, 

Davis, 101 

Today and tomorrow, Davis. 40 
When doctors disagree, Davis, 412 
Housing, public, charts its course, Klutz- 
nick, 15 

India, Pacific basin and. Carter, 199 
Insurance, buying, against sickness. 

Klem, 483 
Interdependent world, Shotwell, 359 

Japanese-Americans : 

Ordinary American, an, Close, 52 
We're Americans again. Toriumi, 325 

Joe Doakes, patriot, deFord, 43 

Labor : 

Problem .with a future, Lewar, 19 
They harvest New York's crops. 

Close, 21 
Land and the Union of South Africa, 

Bennett. 232 

Last hundred thousand. Harrison, 460 
Legislation, anti-discriminatory : On the 
calendar of our consciences, Polier, Jus- 
tine and Shad, 47 

Legs of the hospital bed, Davis, 32S 
Lend-lease, two-way (photographs), 172- 

Letters and life, Hansen : 

Education in a complex world. 10" 
Looking in on Germany, 24 
To be young, poor, and black, 68 
West and the Far East, 131 
White of Emporia, 487 
Letters to the editor: About "Juan," 

Garcia, 305 

Life savers, new. Galdston. 292 
London's burning. Stuther (poetry). 217 
Looking in on the Germans. Hansen. 24 


Maps : Niger and its territory, 9 
Medical care, statemen discover, Davis, 


Medicine, amphibious, Brunner. 443 
Mediterranean, Europe and the. Dean. 

Milestone in health progress, Davis, 485 


National personnel department, Corson 

Negroes : 

Fortunate city. Riis and Waldron, 

"My Happy Days," these make up 

(photographs), (ifi 

To be young, poor, and black, Han- 
sen, Harry. 68 
Neighbor in a Mexican valley, McEvov, 


New Zealand, partners in the South Pa- 
cific. Ncvins, 228 
Niger valley, Rossin. 8 

Norris, George W. : Champion of popu- 
lar rights, Hansen. 295 


On the calendar of our consciences, Po- 
lier, Justine and Shad, 47 
Our "endless frontier," Shotwell, 429 
Our last great chance, Agar, 153 

Pacific Basin and India, Carter, 199 

Palestine as a refuge from fascism, 
Hirschmann, 195 

Palisades, the 3d call, Lament, 317 

Peace : 

Bread and. Dewey, 117 

Empty pay envelopes and. Hal!, DIM 

Permanente Health Plan, that Kaiser 
built, Garfield, 480 

Personnel department, a national, Cor- 
son, 432 

Photographs : 

Aircraft to lit varying postwar needs, 


"Along the Palisades." 320 
Blitzed cities look ahead, 218-220 
i >ewey, John, 116 
Flanner House, 338 
Fortunate few, the, 468 
del tins? acquainted, 162-164 
"Lest we forget," 392-393 
"My Happy Pays." these make ui>. 


"On the Niger River." 2 
San Quentin prison, war production, 


ShoUvell. James T., 36 
Szoltl. Henriftta. 18KO-1945, 84 
Two-way, 172-177 
"V" that does not stand for victory, 


Wagner, Robert F., 276 
Poetry: London's Burning, Struther, 217 
Political: Cli-an sweep in Puerto Rico 

Clark, 63 
Postwar : 

Air age transportation, Ogburn. 55 
('(inscription, why how? Thayer, 314 
Future is already here, Amidon. 6 
Health today and tomorrow, l>avis, 

Public health in the postwar world. 

Winslow, 11!) 

Taxes and full employment. New- 
comer, 60 

Public housing charts its course, Klutz- 
nick, 15 
Puerto Rico, clean sweep In, Clark. 63 


Race relations : Fortunate city, Riis nnd 

Waldron, 339 
Reconversion : 

Is not enough, Haber, 389 

On the campus. Thompson, :ii;ii 
Roads to alcoholism, Myerson, 49 

San Quentin prison : Joe Dnakcs, patriot. 

deFord, 43 

Security, more secure, Corson. 277 
"Sixty million jobs" if , Amidon. 400 
Social security, ten years of, Altmever, 

Statesmen discover medical care, Davis, 

Szold, Henrietta, 1860-1945 (photograph), 


Taxes, postwar, and full employment, 

Newcomer, 60 

Television in 1960, Kaempffert, 344 
Things of the spirit, Ciimmagor, 237 
Toward a bigger pie, Grant, 285 
Trail-blazers in citizenship. Carlson, 362 
Transportation, air age, iiuliurn, 55 


Unemployment: Empty pay envelopes and 
peace, Hall, 394 

Union of South Africa, land and, Ben- 
nett, 232 

United Kingdom since Dunkirk, Browne, 

Veterans : 

As uniforms are shed, Buell, 401 
Goes to college, Andrews; 402 


Wagner, Robert F (photograph), 276 
War production, San Quentin prison, 

deFord, 43 

West and the Far East, Hansen. 131 
White, William Allen, of Emporia. Han 

sen, 487 

Without a country. Chamberlain, 85 
World War II : 

American invasion, Mclver, 165 
Common tasks and common purposes, 

Roosevelt, 170 
"Economic hig'h command." Batt and 

Mullen, 181 

Great partnerships, the Reed. 178 
How one partner prized another 

Churchill, 167 
United Kingdom since Dunkirk. 

Browne, 206 
What the British face. Coyle, 213 

Yalta charter, from, to the Golden Gate. 
Shotwell, 123 


Agar. H.rbert. <iur last great chance. 153 
AJtmeyer, Arthur J., Ten years of social 

security, 368 
Amidon, BeulaJh : 

"Best is yet, the," Morris L. Ernst 

(book review), 297 
Future is already here, the, 6 
"One nation," Wallace Stegner (book 

review), 452 

"Sixty million jobs" if , 400 
Andrews, John N., Veteran goes to col- 
lege, 402 

Arnold, Thurman, "Cartels challenge to 
a free world," Wendell Berge (book 
review), 72 
Ascher, Charles S. : 

"Bureaucracy : A challenge to bet- 
ter management," J. M. Juran 
(book review), 28 

"Regulatory administration," George 
A. Graham and Henry Reining, Jr. 
(book review), 28 

"Uncle Sam's billion-dollar baby." 
Frederick L. Collins (book re- 
view). 455 
"Valley and its people, the," R. L. 

Duffus (book review), 71 
Astbury, B. E., British viewpoint, 189 
Barker, Sir Ernest, British viewpoint, 

Barnes. Joseph, When the coalition ends. 

Batt, William I,., and Mullen, Robert R., 

"Economic toigh command," 181 
Bennett, Hugh H., Land and the Union 

of South Africa, 232 

Beveridge, Sir William, British view- 
point, 185 

Bradley, Phillips. "McCarthy of Wis- 
consin." Edward Fitzpatrick (book re- 
view). 74 
Browne, Mallory, United Kingdom since 

Dunkirk, 206 

Brunner, Endre K., Amphibious medi- 
cine. 443 
Buell, Bradley. As uniforms are shed, 

Burris, Quincy Guy. "Mexican village," 

Josephine Niggli (book review), 454 
Buttenheim, Harold S.. "Million homes a 
year," Dorothy Rosenman (book re- 
view), 296 

Carey, Jane Perry Clark, "Can repre- 
sentative government do the job," 
Thomas K. Ftnletter (book review), 

Carlson, Avis D., Trail-blazers in citizen- 
ship, 362 

Carter, Edward C., Pacific basin and In- 
dia, ,199 

Chamberlain. Joseph P., Wittiout a coun- 
try, 85 
Chase. Stuart, Agenda for the American 

people, 13 
Churchill, Winston. How one partner 

prized another, 167 
Clark. Dean A.. "Public medical care," 

Franz Goldmann (book review), 488 
Clark, Marjorie R., Clean sweep in Puerto 

Rico, 63 
Clark, Sir Kenneth, British viewpoint, 

Close, Kathryn: 

Ordinary American, an, 52 
They harvest New York's crops 21 
Commager. Henry Steele. Things of the 

spirit, 237 
Constant, Julie d'Estournelles de : 

"An intelligent American's guide to 
peace," Sumner Welles, ed. (book 
review), 349 

"Price of peace," Sir William Bever- 
idge (book review), 448 
"The gentlemen talk of peace," 'Wil- 
liam B. Ziff (book review), 70 
Corson, John J. : 

More secure security, 277 
National personnel department. 433 
Coyle, David Cushman. What the British 

face, 213 
Dacey, W. Manning, British viewpoint, 

Davidson, Jo, Franklin Delano Roosevelt 

1882-1945, portrait bust, 169 
Davis, Kingsley : 

"Asia on the move," Bruno Lasker 

(book review), 135 

"Japanese militarism, its cause and 
cure," John M. Maki (book re- 
view), 331 
Davis, Michael M. : 

Babies on the doopstep, 438 
Farmers must go fishing. 125 

Ginger in the British medicine chest, 

Health today and tomorrow, 40 
Health care for all, 280 

Legs of the hospital bed, 328 
Milestone in .health progress, 485 
.More things than one 
Statesmen discover medical c;^ : 
"The doctors job." Carl Binger 

(book review), 299 
Whi'ii (inctor? disagree, 412 
Iv.'in. Yera Alicheles, Europe and the 

Mediterranean, 190 

deFord, Miriam Allen, Joe Uoakes, pa- 
triot, 43 

Dewey, John, Peace and bread, 117 
Dickerman, Judson C.. "The power in- 
dustry and the public interest" (book 

review). 71 

Dodds. Harold W.. "The rebirth of lib- 
eral education," Fred B. Millett (bonk 
review), 137 

Eby, Kerr, drawings by, 287-289 
lOliel, Paul, "Lumber and labor," Vernon 

H. Jensen (book review), 454 
Fabri, Ralph, "Attila," etching, 155 
Feibleman, James, "Justice and world 
society," Laurence Stapleton (book re- 
view), 72 
Fischer, Louis, Go political, young man, 


Gaklston, lago. New life savers, 292 
Gannett. Lewis ,S.. Close-up, 159 
Garcia, J. D., Letters about "Juan," 305 
Garfield, Sidney R., The plan that Kaiser 

built, 480 

Gibson, George, British viewpoint, 188 
Gilfillan, S. Colum, Atomic bombshell, 

Glover, Katherine : 

Better health for country folks, 372 

"The TVA lessons for international 

application." Herman Finer (book 

review). 71 

Granger, Lester B., "Rising wind, a," 

Walter White (book review), 452 
Grant, Ellsworth S. : 

"Big business in a democracy," James 
Truslow Adams (book review), 453 
Toward a bigser pie. 285 
Giver, Guy, "The city is the people," 
Henry S. Churchill (book review). 44!) 
Gruenberg, Benjamin C., "Men of science 
in America," Bernard Jaffe (book re- 
view), 348 
Haber, William, Reconversion is not 

enough, 389 
Hagan. Pan 1 : 

Four horsemen over Germany, 434 
From the rubble up, 477 
Hall, Helen. Empty pay envelopes and 

peace, 394 
Han.sen. Harry : 

Back into the democratic . stream 

(book reviews), 347 
Education in a complex world, 103 
"Fighting liberal, autobiography of 
rjje W. Norris" (hook review) 
Governing a troubled community 

(book reviews), 330 
Harvard's sixteen courses (book re- 
view), 376 

Looking in on the Germans, 24 
Morality in the modern world (book 

review), 447 
Three views of Japanese life (book 

reviews), 414 

To be young, poor, and black, 68 
West and the Par East, 131 
White of Emporia (book review), 

Harding, T. Svvann, Better health for 

country folks. 374 

Harris, Herbert, New boundaries of col- 
lective bargaining, 433 

Harrison, Earl G., The last hundred thou- 
sand, 469 
Hartley, Sir Harold, British viewpoint. 

Haynes, George E., British viewpoint, 

Herrick, Elinore M., "Smouldering free- 
dom," Isabel de Palenia (book review) 

Hill, Russell, Three Allied choices, 478 

Hintz, Howard W., "Democracy in Amer- 
ica," Alexis de Tocqueville (book re- 
view), 332 

Hirschmann, Ira A., Palestine as a ref- 
uge from fascism, 195 

Hogg, Quintin, British viewpoint. 187 

Holmes, Oliver. "Our jungle diplomacy " 
Sands and Lalley (book review), 70 

James, Earle K., "What the South 
Americans think of us," Carleton Beals 
et al (book review), 454 

Johnson, F. Ernest : 

"Christian answer, the," Paul .1. Til- 

lich, et al (book review), 448 
"The seamless robe," Sarah Clegliorn 
(book review), 416 

Jones, Allan Creech, British viewpoint, 

Kaempffert, Waldemar : 

Aladdin's wonderful lamp, 89 
Television in 1960, 344 
Karpf, Ruth, Displaced persons : A USA 

close-up, 282 

Kellogg, Richard Patrick, "Situation nor- 
mal." Arthur Miller (book review), 138 
Keyserling, Leon H. : 

From patchwork to purpose, full em- 
ployment, 95 
"Time for planning," Lewis L. Lor- 

win (book review). 377 
Klem, Margaret C., Buying insurance 

against sickness, 483 
Klutznick, Philip M., Public housing 

charts its course, 15 
Kreigihbaum, Hillier, Will Congress clean 

house? 409 
Laider, Harry W.. "Edward Bellamy," 

Arthur E. Morgan (book review), 26 
Lament, Corliss, The Palisades 3rd call 

Lasker, Bruno : 

China from the bottom up (book re- 
views), 132 
"China's crisis," Lawrence K. Ros- 

inger (book review), 348 
Laski, Harold J., British viewpoint, 180 
Lasswell, Harold D., "Demobilization of 
wartime economic controls," John Mau- 
rice Clark (book review), 298 
Lax, David, "Encamped Britain," paint- 
ings by, 158 
Lehman, Herbert H., Fighting against 

Lewars, Diana, Labor problem with a 

future, 19 

Lindeman. Eduard C., "City develop- 
ment," Lewis Mumford (book review), 

Lindsay, Kenneth, British viewpoint, 187 
Locke, Alain : 

"Color and democracy," W. E B 

DuBois (book review), 415 
"Negro in American life," John 

Becker (book review), 332 
MacCormac. John, Northern neighbor, 225 
MacDonald, Lois, "Wtorld economic de- 
velopment," Eugene Staley (book re- 
view), 70 

Mallon, J. J.. British viewpoint. 187 
McCormick, Elsie, They can be made 

over, 127 
McDonald, James G. : 

"New perspectives on peace," George 
B. deHuszar, ed (book review), 

"The sinews of peace," Herbert Feis 
(book review), 104 

McEntire, Davis, "Prejudice : Japanese 
Americans, symbol of racial intoler- 
ance," Carey McWilliams (book re- 
view), 415 

McEvoy, J. P., Neighbor in a Mexican 
valley, 290 

Mclver, Honora Bruere, American in- 
vasion, 165 

Mead, Nelson P., "Surrender on demand " 
Varian Fry (book review), 349 

Mickle, Joe J.. "What to do with Japan " 
Wilfrid Fleisher (book review), 134 

Millis, Walter, American choices, 241 

Moorhead, Helen Hovvell, "Pioneers in 
world order," Harriet Eager Davis, ed 
(book review), 448 

Mowrer, Edgar Ansel. Dumbarton hopes 3 

Mullen, Robert R., see Batt. William L 

Murray, Philip, An economic hill of rights, 

Myerson, Abraham, Roads to alcoholism 

Neilson, William A, "Mission of the uni- 
versity." Jose Ortega y Gasset (book 
review), 137 

Neumann. Sigmund. "Re-educating Ger- 
many," Werner Riohter (book review). 

Nevins, Allan, Partners in the South Pa- 
cific. 228 

Newcomer, Mabel. Postwar taxes and full 
employment. 60 

Ogburn, William Fielding, Air age trans- 
portation, 55 

Phillips. Lena Madsin, "Frances Wil- 
lard," Mary Earhart (book review) 74 

Pink, Louis H., An author replies, Free- 
dom from fear, 75 

Polier, Justine and Shad, On the calendar 
of our consciences, 47 

Reading, Lady, British viewpoint, 188 

Reed. Philip D.. 'Great partnership, 178 

Reiss, Winold, cover illustration by. May 

Riis, Roger William, and Waldron, 
Webb, Fortunate city, 339 

Roche, Josephine, By their French boot- 
straps, 476 

Roosevelt, Franklin D.. Common tasks 

and common purposes, 170 
Rosinger, Lawrence K., "Forever China," 

Robert Payne (book review), 450 
Rossin, Maurice Claude, The Niger val- 
ley, 8 

Ryan, John M., British viewpoint, 189 
Ryan W. Carson, "Authoritarian attempt 
to capture education" (book review). 

Sartain, Geraldine, California's health in- 
surance drama, 440 
Scandrett Richard B., Jr. : 

"American chronicle," Ray Stun- 

nard Baker (book review), 136 
"Everybody's political what's what," 
Bernard Shaw (book review), 70 
Shinwell, Emanuel, British viewpoint, 188 
Shotwell, James T. : 

Bridges of the future, 37 
Charter of the Golden Gate, 309 
Control of atomic energy, 407 
Four freedoms and Atlantic Char- 
ter, 172 

From Yalta to the Golden Gate, 123 
Interdependent world, 359 
Our "endless frontier," 429 
What Shall we do about Germany? 

Springer, Gertrude : 

"Let us consider one another," Jose- 
phine Lawrence (book review). 

"Sea language comes ashore," Carver 

Colcord (book review), 105 
Stiger, Andrew J. : 

"I went to the Soviet Arctic," Ruth 

Oruber (book review), 73 
"Pattern of Soviet power," Edgar 

Snow (book review), 490 
Stevens, Alden, "The Wilson Era : Years 
of peace 1910-1917." Josephus Dan- 
iels (book review), 25 
Stewart, Maxwell S. : 

"America's role in the world econ- 
omy," Alvin H. Hansen (book re- 
view), 348 

What Beveridge proposes. 93 
Struther, Jan, London's burning (poetry), 


Studenski, Paul, "State and local finance 
in the national economy." Hansen and 
Perloff (book review), 27 
Summerkill, Edith. British viewpoint, 187 
Tead, Ordway : 

"Business leadership in the large cor- 
poration." R. A. Gordon (book re- 
view). 298 
"Democracy under pressure," Stuart 

Chase (book review), 298 
"Human nature and enduring peace," 
Gardner Murphy, ed. (Book re- 
view). 416 
"Men at work," Stuart Chase (book 

review), 348 

"Omnipotent government," Ludwig 
von Mises, 104 

"Tomorrow's business," Bearsdley 

Rural (book review), 298 
Thayer, V. T. : 

"Springfield plan, the," Alland and 

Wise (book review), 449 
"Story of the Springfield plan," Chat- 
to and Halligan (book review), 449 
Why postwar conscription now? 314 
Thompson, C. Mildred, Reconversion on 

the campus, 366 
Toriumi, Sophie and Donald. We're 

Americans again, 325 
Trevelyan, George M., British viewpoint, 


Vansittart, Lord, British viewpoint, 185 
Waldron, Webb, see Riis, Roger William 
Walker, Snyder H. : 

"The free state," D. W. Brogan 

(book reviews), 488 
"The German talks back," Heinrich 

Hauser (book review), 488 
Waring, P. Alston, "An uncommon man : 
Henry Wallace and 60 million jobs," 
Frank Kingdon (book review), 378 
Weybright, Victor, British viewpoint, 185 
Wilson, M. L., "The reconstruction of 
world agriculture," Karl Brandt (book 
review), 136 
Winant, John G., British and ourselves, 

Winslow, C.-E. A., Public health in the 

postwar world, 119 

Xeichner, Oscar, "Philosophy of American 
history," Morris Zucker (book review), 

JflNU^RV IQ45 




The Future Is Already Here 

Introduction by BEULAH AMIDON of a scries for"l945 

Niger Valley: A New Colonial Pattern Maurice Rossin 

)umbarton Hopes Edgar Mowrer American Agenda Stuart Chase 

Western Union Election Public Housing Migrant Harvesters 

General Electric answers your questions about 


Q. What will sets cost after the war? 

A. It is expected that set prices will begin 
around $200, unless there are unfore- 
seen changes in manufacturing costs. 
Higher priced models will also receive 
regular radio programs, and in addition 
FM and international shortwave pro- 
grams. Perhaps larger and more ex- 
pensive sets will include built-in phono- 
graphs with automatic record changers. 

Q. How big will television pictures be? 

A. Even small television sets will prob- 
ably have screens about 8 by 10 inches. 
(That's as big as the finest of pre-war 
sets.) In more expensive television sets, 
screens will be as large as 18 by 24 
inches. Some sets may project pictures 
on the wall like home movies. Natur- 
ally, pictures will be even clearer than 
those produced by pre-war sets. 

Q. What kind of shows will we see? 

A. All kinds. For example: (1) Studio 
stage shows dancers, vaudeville, plays, 
opera, musicians, famous people. (2) 
Mo vies can be broadcast to you by tele- 
vision. (3) On-the-spot pick-up of sports 
events, parades, news happenings. G.E. 
has already produced over 900 tele- 
vision shows over its station, WRGB, 
in Schenectady. 

Q. Where can television be seen now? 

A. Nine television stations are operating 
today in Chicago, Los Angeles, New 
York, Philadelphia, and Schenectady. 
Twenty-two million people about one- 
fifth of all who enjoy electric service 
live in areas served by these stations. 
Applications for more than 80 new tele- 
vision stations have been filed with the 
Federal Communications Commission. 

Q. Will there be television networks? 

A. Because television waves are practi- 
cally limited by the horizon, networks 
will be accomplished by relay stations 
connecting large cities. General Electric 
set up the first network five years ago, 
and has developed new tubes that make 
relaying practical. G-E station WRGB, 
since 1939, has been a laboratory for 
engineering and programming. 

Q. What is G. E.'s part in television? 

A. Back in 1928, a General Electric en- 
gineer, Dr.E. F. W. Alexanderson, gave 
the first public demonstration. Before 
the war, G. E. was manufacturing both 
television transmitters and home receiv- 
ers. It will again build both after Victory. 
Should you visit Schenectady, you are 
invited to WRGB's studio to see a 
television show put on the air. 

TELEVISION, another example of G-E research 

Developments by General Electric scientists and engi- 
neers, working for our armed forces in such new fields as 
electronics, of which television is an example, will help 
to bring you new products and services in the peace years 
to follow. General Electric Company, Schenectady, N. Y. 


Hear the General Electric radio program: "The G-E All- 
Girl Orchestra." Sunday 1O p.m. EWT, NBC "The 
World Today" news, every weekday 6:45 p.m. EWT, CBS. 


Outstanding Books on City Planning 


Its Growth Its Decay Its Future 

By Eliel Saarinen 

This world-renowned architect and city designer not 
only shows the physical and economic causes for urban 
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"His book may well prove to be the bible of the rebuilders 
of the cities of tomorrow." Boston Daily Globe 

"Mr. Saarinen bravely thinks in terms of a generation or 
two, and raises questions that cannot be ignored." 

New York Times 

"A profoundly thought and deeply felt book." 

Chicago Sunday Tribune 



By Francis Violich 

With exceptional discernment, the author discusses the 
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By Herbert S. Swan 

For the Inst. of Public Administration 

This is a thorough, factual, and realistic study of the 
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the residential areas of American cities. $2.00. 


Herbert Gray. Size 8 1 /?" x U". Profusely illustrated. 

translated by Lt. Charles T. Stewart, USNR. 


of current 
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This is a report of a series 
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uary 8 through April 23, 
1941. Reprinted from PEN- 
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An interesting picture of the 
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simply^ what petroleum is, 
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does. 234 Pages, Illustrated. 




By Carleton Ellis 
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Shows how you can grow 
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water culture, sand culture 
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It* Relation to 
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Reveals causes of fatigu e, 
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33O West 42nd Street 

Also publishers of Chemical Engineering Catalog, 

New York 18, N. Y. 

Metal Industries 
Catalog, Metals and Alloys, and Pencil Points. 



announces a new 


under the associate editorship of 


chairman of the Committee on Research in 
Medical Economics, who will write a 
monthly "column" in Survey Graphic re- 
viewing current events and pointing up issues 
in new plans for medical care, new programs 
for legislation. Major articles will illuminate 
the imminence of HEALTH as a prime factor 

Our regular section in Survey Midmontbly, 
will deal close-in with the working relation- 
ships between medical services and social 
work, with the spread of public health and 
the widening applications of psychiatry. 

The results of the Selective Service exam- 
inations have dramatized the extent of 
uncared for disease and defect in American 
life. Shortages of doctors has accentuated 
this. Meanwhile the physical and mental 
rehabilitation of discharged service men is 
challenging industry and the professions. 
Preventive and curative medicine will be 
factors in meeting human and economic 
problems bound up in demobilization and 

On every hand, there is mounting recog- 
nition of the need for making medical care 
more widely available, for enhancing post- 
war opportunities of the professions entering 
into the cast of characters taking part in the 
drama of American health. 

The war itself has been a spur to scientific 
discovery and invention. Returned doctors 
and returned servicemen, alike, will be alive 
to what's ahead both in medical science and 
in the organization of medical practice. Here 
at home, hospital and health insurance plans 
of a voluntary sort have spread rapidly. 
Proposals for public programs are on the 
agenda of state legislatures and Congress. 

Our new associate editor is thoroughly 
versed in this field. As director for medical 
services of the Julius Rosenwald Fund, he 
was one of the organizers of the Committee 
on the Costs of Medical Care, under the 
chairmanship of Dr. Ray Lyman Wilbur. 

In Survey Graphic for December, we 
brought out an interpretation of the signifi- 
cant report in which physicians, experts and 
laymen present an "American Plan for Medi- 
cal Care and Health Insurance." The article 
was written by Michael M. Davis as chair- 
man of this Health Program Conference. 

Our association with him, however, goes 
back much further. It was in 1927-28 that 
we brought out a series of articles he wrote 
as executive secretary of the Committee on 
Dispensary Development, New York, which 
broke ground for later developments. 

SURVEY GRAPHIC for January. 1945. Vol. XXXIV. No. I. Published monthly and copyright 1045 by SURVEY ASSOCIATES INC. Publication Office. 34 
North Crystal Street. East Stroudsburg, Pa. Editorial and business office. 112 East 19 Street. New York 3. N. Y. Price this issue 3d cents; $3 a year: Koreijm 
postaue 50 cents extra. Canadian 75 cents. Entered as second class matter on June 22, 1940 at the post office at East Stroudshurg Pa under the Act of March 
3. 1879. Acceptance for mailing at a special rate of postage provided for in Section 1103. Act of October 3. 1917. authorized Dec. 21. 1921. Printed In U.S.A. 

How many ways can you build a globe? 

As many as you please provided the parts fit! 

The communication system which carries 
your voice across a continent and beyond, 
works because its millions of interlocking 
parts are engineered to fit. There are thou- 
sands of switchboards, 26 million telephone 
instruments and 65 million miles of circuits. 

Each individual part, no matter how inge- 
nious, is merely a unit in the whole system. 
The final test is does the system work? 
This is the engineering ideal of Bell Tele- 
phone Laboratories. It has helped to create 
the greatest telephone system in the world. 


Among Ourselves 

Chicago Daily News, was far in advance of his 
times when, in the early years of the century, 
he spread a galaxy of star reporters over the 
continent of Europe. Two young Mowrers, 
Paul Scott and Edgar Ansel, were among them. 

Edgar Ansel Mowrer (page 5) covered the 
French, Belgian, and Italian fronts in World 
War I, and between the two wars was in 
turn chief of the Italian, German, and French 
bureaus. He was covering Washington at the 
time of Pearl Harbor; and thereafter spent 
fifteen months in government service as deputy 
director, first of the Office of Facts and Figures, 
then of the Office of War Information. Today, 
he is a free-lance, here and overseas, with a 
syndicated column in a score of newspapers. 

In 1939, Mr. Mowrer contributed from 
Paris a major article, "Minorities of Opinion" 
to the first of our "Calling America" series of 
special issues. His lead article here gives the 
quintessence of a speech early this winter be- 
fore the Union for Democratic Action. The 
charge he made to listeners on that occasion 
can be passed on to our readers.: 

"As individuals you have some power. As a 
group, you are more powerful still. Get these 
things straight in your minds and go to work. 
Newspaper editors and radio commentators are 
sensitive: prod them in every way you can. 
Your President and your Congress are vulner- 
able: remind them of this fact. Hold meetings, 
write letters and telegrams, influence political 
parties and groups, work through organiza- 
tions, give money. Now is the time the game 
has to be played." 

"If We Want Small Farming" 

her article on the small farmer [December 
1944 Survey Graphic], is hitting squarely at 
the fundamental cleavage in agriculture and its 
most important problem. As a small farmer 
myself I would uphold her as to facts and 
basic interpretation. 

Mrs. Ryan is perfectly clear on the point 
that modern agriculture is an integral part of 
our capitalist industrial society, that big agri- 
culture has made its adjustment to business 
and industry, and that small farmers, driven 
by poverty and overwork, are playing "follow 
the leader," where the leaders know all the 

If small farmers constitute so sizable a chunk 
of America diat they cannot be ignored; if, 
as Mrs. Ryan indicates, there persists in Amer- 
ican farmers a will to independence that makes 
them think of themselves as farmers even when 
they become dispossessed workers and even 
when adversity has produced in them selfish- 
ness, suspicion, and undesirable character- 
istics for good citizenship then it becomes 
necessary for us to think about our farm 

In December Survey Midmonthly 
So You Can Retire by Milton H. Glover 
Army Mental Hygiene by S/Sgt. Alfred ]. 

Kahn and Sgt. Evan J. Scott 
Employment of Veterans by Kathryn Smut 
Education and Barbed Wire by Eunice 

Taxes and Social Work by Carl P. Herbert 


Survey Graphic for January 1945 

Cover: Modern Research; Courtesy of U. S. Rubber Company 

On the Niger River: Photographs 

Dumbarton Hopes EDGAR ANSEL MOWRER 5 

The Future Is Already Here BEULAH AMIDON 6 


Agenda for the American People STUART CHASE 13 

Public Housing Charts Its Course PHILIP M. KLUTZNICK 15 

Labor Problem with a Future DIANA LEWARS 19 

They Harvest New York's Crops KATHRYN CLOSB 21 

Letters and Life 24 

Looking in on the Germans HARRY HANSEN 24 

Copyright, 1945, by Survey Associates, Inc. All rights reserved. 


Publication Office: 34 North Crystal Street, East Stroudsburg, Pa. 
Editorial and Business Office, 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y. 

Chairman of the Board, JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN; president, RICHARD B. SCAHDRETT, JR.; vice- 




Business manager, WALTER F. GRUENINGER; Circulation manager, MOLI.IE CONDON; Advertitmt 

Survey Graphic published on the 1st of the month. Price of single copies of this issue, 30c a 
copy. By subscription Domestic: year $3; 2 rears $5. Additional postage per year Foreign 50c; 
Canadian 75c. Indexed in Reader's Guide, Book Review Digest. Index to Labor Articles, Public 
Affairs Information Service, Quarterly Cumulative Index Medicus. 

Survey MidmontMy published on the 15th of the month. Single copies 30c. By subscription 
Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year Foreign 50c; Canadian 75c. 

Joint subscription to Survey Graphic and Survey UidmtmtUy: Year, $5. 

Cooperative Membership in Survey Associates, Inc., including a joint subscription: Year, $10. 

problem not only from the standpoint of the 
economics of production but from the stand- 
point of an efficiency by which society best 
employs its citizens. 

The present economic plight of small farmers 
is largely caused by the unequal relationships 
whereby a small sector of farmers has gained 
political power and economic control of the 
distribution system as well as a dominant ac- 
cess to capital and credit. This, of course, need 
not be, once the situation is understood by 
enough people. 

I am not convinced that a society charac- 
terized by monopoly and poverty is inevitable. 
I am convinced that small farmers, their gov- 
ernment, and the American people can so 
regulate the situation that we will employ that 
large section of American citizens engaged in 
farming in a socially effective and satisfactory 
fashion. Small farmers will, unquestionably, 
have to learn the need for and the techniques 
of organization, and government must secure 
that right, free of external interference. 

Government can also strengthen the small 
farmer by removing the present hidden sub- 
sidies to industrial farming and special privi- 
leges now enjoyed by certain farm organiza- 
tions. The provisions of the Social Security Act 
could be extended to small farmers, and a 

great many more things could be done to 
shore up their economic and social situation. 

It is only because I feel that Mrs. Ryan's 
excellent analysis lacks sufficient emphasis on 
possible solutions to a difficult problem that I 
write this letter. P. ALSTON WARING 

Co-author oj "Roots in the Earth" 

Two Friends Have Gone 


of two good friends. The Rev. Dr. Endicott 
Peabody, founder of Groton School and for 
56 years its headmaster, had been since 1914 
a member of Survey Associates. Ten years 
after joining he became a $100 contributing 
member. His check arrived each January 10 
for twenty years, a treasured expression of his 
interest and faith in our publishing enterprise. 
Eunice Fuller Barnard, former education 
editor of The New Yor% Times, and since 1938 
the education director of the Alfred P. Sloan 
Foundation, was a contributor of occasional 
distinguished articles and book reviews to 
Survey Graphic. The last, published in the 
December issue, came to us from the country 
home where she was trying to recuperate from 
a long illness. It was written with all the 
insight and imagination that readers long have 
associated with her name. 

French Press and Information Service 
Fountain in the market center of Bamako, city on the Niger 


(See page 8) 

Supply Mission for France 



Dumbarton Hopes 

entered the new age. Dominating this age 
is the fact that all countries are interde- 
pendent. Security and peace are henceforth 
indivisible. So, probably, are freedom and 
prosperity. If security and peace are at- 
tacked anywhere, they are threatened the 
world over. If somewhere freedom is de- 
nied, it is in danger everywhere. Unless 
prosperity spreads, it goes by the board. 

This is a startlingly new situation and 
particularly concerns the United States 
for our fundamental aims are precisely 
freedom, security, peace, and prosperity. 

The coming victory will have preserved 
our freedom; but unless it preserves peace, 
there will be no future security. No people 
can be sure of winning all future wars. 
Without peace there will hardly be lasting 
prosperity. Preparation for war will grow 
monstrous. Without peace, freedom will 
shrink, for in the vain process of seeking 
security through super-armament we shall 
move toward dictatorship. 

Nature knows but one unpardonable sin: 
the failure of a living organism to adapt 
to a changing environment. This some- 
times results from deficient intelligence as 
with the vanished dinosaur whose brain, 
according to H. G. Wells, was no larger 
than the ganglia of its rump. That inter- 
esting bird, the dodo, simply sat and 
ignored the advent of the Ice Age. Un- 
happily, these creatures have reincarnated 
in human form. Even in the groves of 
Capitol Hill in Washington, D. C., a nature 
student can find splendid examples stub- 
bornly heading for extinction. 

"Winged Peace or Winged Death" 

The New Age is not around the corner 
it's here. In his recent book, Air Marshal 
William A. Bishop, a Canadian airman of 
thirty years experience, puts it bluntly: 
"The air age faces mankind with a sharp 
choice the choice between winged peace 
and winged death." "Billy" Bishop asks us 
to choose winged peace. At this, our dumb 
dinosaurs and inattentive dodos hiss and 
cackle: "Isolation was good enough for our 
fathers. Through it we became the greatest 
nation on earth. Leave well enough alone." 

They have not grasped the coming air 
age. Today, American scientists can pro- 
duce rocket bombs with which New York 
could carry on trans-Atlantic war with 
London. Mexico might engage in a bomb- 


By an ace American correspondent 
and columnist (see page 3). 

tossing contest with Canada over the heads 
of New Yorkers unaware of them until 
a dud, dropping into Times Square would 
bring down the Hotel Astor. The German 
vengeance weapons, V-l and V-2, are only 
first crude harbingers of winged death. 

Clearly, we stand at the beginning of a 
change in living conditions as startling as 
when our remote ancestors finally found 
the courage to creep from protecting caves 
and live in the sunlight. Yet, if we fail to 
stave off global technological war, back 
into the caves we shall go. Doubtless these 
will be de luxe caverns guaranteed bomb- 
proof and insulated against poison gas. 

They will be air conditioned, central heat- 
ed; will gleam with marvelous plastics and 
twinkle with new gadgets. But they will 
be caves just the same marking not an 
amusing interlude but a major defeat in 
the history of man. Unless we re-adapt to 
changed conditions, the new age will be a 
calamity. Yet it could be the most glorious 
age in the history of mankind, with the 
whole earth the possession of its children. 

War or Permanent Peace 

The choice collectively speaking is 
ours. The problem is war; the solution, 
permanent peace. Nothing less can guar- 
antee us against the caves and a new ice- 
age of the human spirit. Only when we 
face this can we see the transcendent im- 
portance of the Dumbarton Oaks pro- 
posals for a United Nations' Organization. 

In these proposals lies the hope of the 
world! How then, ought citizens to think 
about them? Surely, as my old philosophy 
professors used to say, ideologically in 
terms of their adequacy to their purpose. 
This purpose is the establishment of lasting 
peace on earth. Other purposes exist, but 
are all secondary. Civilization will not sur- 
vive the winged death of the air age. Right 
there is the criterion. 

Let us remember that other devices for 
preserving the peace have been tried and 
regularly failed isolation, armed imperial- 
ism, a balance of power, preponderant alli- 
ances. Many who see this still insist that 
the time for an effective international or- 
ganization that is to say, for peace has 
not come; that we must put our trust in 
armed national might and alliances. The 

amount of naked power wedded to a "sov- 
ereign" state cannot possibly prevent war. 
It never has and it never will. By insistence 
on sovereignty which in last analysis 
means freedom to wage war sovereign 
states perpetuate what they seek to avoid. 

The cure for sovereignty is super-national 
law. The purpose of an international organ- 
ization worthy of the name is to establish 
and enforce such law. Only that and readi- 
ness to uphold it can guarantee lasting 
peace. "Exactly," the sovereignty-with- 
power-alliance boys interrupt. "Just what 
we said. More important than structure is 
the desire to make it work." Just a minute. 
Few have the patience to chop hard wood 
with a stone ax. We need not choose be- 
tween "making the instrument strong" and 
"making it work." The stronger it is, the 
easier to make it work. 

Weak Peace or Certain Death 

Which brings us back to the Dumbarton 
Oaks proposals. These at this writing 
do not envisage a true international admin- 
istration to enforce super-national law, but 
rather an International Vigilance Commit- 
tee. They are not the long awaited sure-fire 
guarantee against war, but merely a step 
between lawlessness and law. They may not 
even provide for coercing those big powers 
who alone can make big wars. 

Nonetheless, the Oaks proposals contain 
within them a seed that could develop into 
a real guarantee. That is the clause which 
excludes violence or threat of violence by 
national states except at the behest of the 
international community. Once deprived 
of the right to use violence for national 
purposes, even the most powerful sovereign 
states must come to rely on law for secur- 
ity. Thereby lasting peace becomes possible. 

Between now and the adoption of the 
final statute of the United Nations' Organ- 
ization, we should work to make that 
organization strong. Once the final text is 
written, we must fight to get it accepted 
by the American Senate and implemented 
by the American Congress. Then we must 
struggle to make it work; struggle to make 
it the supreme point in our political life, to 
make it the custodian of super-national law. 

The stakes are the highest in the world 
nothing less than the lives and happiness 
of our children and our children's children. 
Do not send them back to the caves. Give 
them the planet as their playground! 

The Future Is Already Here 

Wonders wrought by science in a period of production miracles, which 
will change our postwar lives an introduction to a series of articles. 


fall the casualty lists, with their incalculable 
totals of lost talent, energy, and leadership. 
But in paying this great price, civilization 
gains not only the essentials for victory but 
immeasurable advances in discovery and in 
the application of new knowledge. 

Today's headlines carry word of "secret 
weapons," of mysterious ways of dealing 
death and destruction. These gains on the 
debit side of war's ledger are not "new." 
They are the result of two decades or more 
of exploration and discovery in the labora- 
tories of many nations. They represent mili- 
tary and industrial advantages that, without 
war, would not have come for many years. 
But, too, they represent vast potentials on 
the other side of the ledger the side of 
man's conquest over the forces of the uni- 
verse, of happier and more secure ways of 
living on this planet. 

As the scientist sees the horizon of man's 
understanding, war brings nothing hitherto 
unknown. The tanks, planes, radio, medical 
care of the last war the weapons and the 
medical advances of this do not represent 
fresh discoveries, except possibly in medi- 
cine. Today's "new technology" is chiefly 
evidence that a process begun long ago has 
been accelerated. 

The Airplane of Tomorrow 

Look, for instance, at modern planes and 
high-octane gas, the motor fuel of today 
and the future; at rocket motors and jet 
propulsion. Consider the airplane of to- 
morrow, in sight just out there on the 
hangar apron, behind the jet-propulsion 

"It will leave the ground smoothly, im- 
pelled by rocket motors which will assist 
its jet engines to get it off with huge loads, 
hitherto beyond our thinking. Once off, 
power will switch from the rocket engines 
to the jet engines, for the excellent reason 
that an airplane will fly comfortably with at 
least 50 percent more load than it can take 
off from the ground. The jets will attend 
to the provision of motor power until very 
high altitudes (in today's conception of 
altitude) are reached. Ultimately, however, 
the new aircraft will come into stratospheric 
altitudes in which the jet, requiring oxygen, 
will tire and finally quit. Then the rockets 
will come into play again. . . . 

"The plane will then thrust forward 
smoothly through the stratosphere at some- 
thing faster than the speed of sound, and 
probably somewhere between 1,000 and 
1,500 miles an hour. That will go on until 
the destination is, say, some 500 miles and 
30 minutes away. Then the nose will turn 
down the long hill, and near the airport 
the jets will come into action and before 
the passenger in his air conditioned and 


By the associate editor of .Survey 
Graphic who has general responsibility 
for the series, with Waldemar Kaempf- 
fert, science editor of The New 'York 
Times, as counselor. 

In the next months: 

Transportation in the Air Age, by 
William F. Ogburn, University of Chi- 
cago, who has just completed a special 
study of the subject. 

Television: the New Communication, 
by Robert W. King, of the Bell Tele- 
phone Laboratories. 

Electronics: the Mind of the Machine, 
by Waldemar Kaempffert. 


Synthetics from Laboratory to Mass 

Drugs and Plasma: the New Life 

Public Health: New Levels of Preven- 
tion and Care 

sound-proof cabin knows it, he will be back 
on terra firma, after crossing the Atlantic 
Ocean in three hours, perhaps less." 

These are the words, not of a contempo- 
rary Jules Verne, but of Air Marshal 
William A. Bishop of the Royal Canadian 
Air Force. They give some indication, not 
of laboratory hypotheses, but of the facts 
of the world to which you and I must ad- 
just our thinking and our lives. 

Advertisers today dream up for us a 
fantastically pleasant and convenient post- 
war scene in which we are to enjoy an 
infinite variety of engaging gadgets and 
comforts. But these playthings (and work 
things) are secondary to the solid advances 
of modern technology the patient gains 
of laboratory and testing field suddenly 
made available to us under the forcing of 
war's necessity. In chemistry, physics, medi- 
cine, the advances mean that we have left 
the world in which we all grew up for a 
world of new dimensions in production, 
transportation, communication, health; new 
perils of speed, destruction, and unemploy- 

Laboratory to Mass Production 

There is no measure as yet of the ac- 
celerated technological advances of war- 
time. Take, for example, the development 
of synthetic rubber. Two factors produced 
it, so far as America is concerned: Japanese 
conquest in the Far East, cutting off sup- 
plies of natural rubber; the dependence of 
mechanized warfare on tires for planes, 
tanks, trucks, tractors, motor cars. Amer- 
ican industry was faced with the nation's 
crucial alternative make rubber or perish. 
The answer was the almost unbelievable 

expansion of synthetic rubber from labora- 
tory to mass production in eighteen months. 
Today, the American output of synthetic 
rubber is far in excess of prewar importa- 
tions of natural rubber. This was a "do or 
die" development, achieved without regard 
for expense. The progress scientific and 
economic of years was telescoped into 
months. It trails unanswered postwar prob- 
lems, including the industrial allocation of 
raw materials, the question of markets, of 
dislocation of manpower, of capital invest- 
ment, of free enterprise. Is it more eco- 
nomical to make rubber from a base de- 
rived from petroleum or from grain alcohol? 
Should our economy extend or narrow the 
uses of synthetic rubber? What would the 
further expansion of synthetic rubber mean 
to the world's supplies of petroleum? To 
the farmers of the grain belt? To shipping? 
To East Indian planters and plantation 
hands? Who is thinking of these things? 
Do we have the answers? 

New Uses for Labor 

"Man is a working animal," the econo- 
mist reminds us. But technological advance, 
making possible television, jet propulsion, 
"the kitchen of the future," new conveni- 
ences and comforts brings also revolutionary 
changes in the use of man's labor. 

For example, the technology of the future 
envisages the use of the strength and light- 
ness of aluminum on a very wide scale. We 
know already that aluminum means lighter 
trains and trucks, and hence faster and more 
economical transportation. But the use oi 
aluminum, as wartime developments show 
it, goes much farther and the construction 
worker who calmly shoulders an aluminum 
beam, instead of waiting for a crane to 
swing a steel one into place, already is a 
commonplace of the army engineers and 
the Seabees. True, steel is cheaper in dollars 
and cents today. But the use of the lighter 
material makes possible huge savings in 
manpower and in time. 

Perhaps more far-reaching, and certainly 
more mysterious to the layman, are the ap- 
plications of electronics. Here is a new sort 
of transfer of skill, something like the en- 
dowment of the machine with intelligence. 
Thus out of the laboratory to the front 
pages last summer there came a super- 
calculator, to which a man gives orders 
through radio and the photo-electric cell: 
"Total the preceding and begin to group 
and the obedient machine proceeds to 
eliminate the toil of ranks of bookkeepers 
and statistical clerks. The whole process of 
making synthetic rubber is controlled elec- 
tronically, and in the vast complexities of 
the plants at Institute, W. Va., and Nauga- 
tuck, Conn., one encounters very few work- 
men, in the accustomed sense, but rather the 


occasional technician, giving orders to all 
but sentient mechanisms. 

New Production Demands 

Over against such advances in the sub- 
stitution of materials, processes, and devices 
for manpower must be set the war-created 
and war-stimulated demands for produc- 
tion. For example, this country needs today 
at least 10,000,000 new housing units, 25,- 
000,000 to 30,000,000 cars and trucks, a vast 
quantity of the household necessities of the 
machine age, such as vacuum cleaners, re- 
frigerators, washing machines, electric irons, 
radios. Here is a market that holds promise 
of maximum use of productive capacity and 
full employment. But this hungry market 
has in itself stimulated another sort of tech- 
nical advance. 

To overcome the wartime shortage in 
manpower, industry has achieved increased 
efficiency and output per worker. Fewer 
men are required today because fewer men 
are available. We have not yet had time to 
consider what this will mean when, for 
maximum civilian consumption, the num- 
ber of workers employed may be substan- 
tially under current figures. 

We hear much today about the changes 
the "new technology" will bring to our 
daily lives. Insofar as it is possible to look 
ahead, scientists agree that the major dis- 
locations will be few. There will, however, 
be minor adjustments which all of us will 
be required to make. The test of our ability 
to use the new technology will be our suc- 
cess in making these adjustments. For ex- 
ample, dehydrated foods offer a solution to 
one aspect of what traditionally has been 
called "the servant problem." 

A more radical adaptation is forecast by 
the present outlook for television. It is well 
within the range of present possibilities to 
televise movies into the home and what 
will this do to the motion picture theaters, 
and their ramifications? Further, television 
opens up a new range of shopping from 
the housekeeping desk in the family kitch- 
en, with televised pictures of foods, fabrics, 
clothing, gadgets, moving across a small 
icreen at the housewife's elbow. 

Perhaps a major effect of technological 
advance on our personal lives will be its 
effect on housing. The postwar house, as the 
experts see it today, will have a central 
unit that takes care of air conditioning, 
heating, plumbing, and electrical inlets and 
outlets. The home will be designed around 
that unit, just as the home of our forebears 
was designed around the chimney and the 
hearth. The "new" home will be a flexible 
structure, with movable partitions, units 
that can be added or subtracted as the 
family grows or diminishes, and financing 
based on the cost of the structure, rather 
than on land costs. It may bring a change 
in the idea of permanency, with land rented 
for the home, and a housing unit frankly 
designed for limited durability a house 
that will serve family needs for decades 
rather than for generations. 

This type of change may affect trans- 
portation as well as housing. Postwar de- 
velopments presage another crisis on the 
railroads. Looking at wartime gains, we 
know that the trip from New York to San 


Francisco by air is now possible in terms 
of hours instead of days a breakfast-to- 
dinner jaunt, costing some $135. All this 
means a change in the mode of the railroads 
business, with pick-up freight, door-to-door 
delivery in containers, and fixed schedules 
as the future railroad scheme of freight 
handling. In the estimation of the railroad 
executive, passenger traffic always has been 
secondary to freight. But in the years ahead, 
the railroads must develop a scheme of 
cheap handling in less than carload lots, 
providing, like the trucks, the convenience 
of door-to-door delivery. 

But the effect of the "new technology" on 
transportation does not stop with revamped 
railroad practices, and networks of truck 
and bus highways. There are the possi- 
bilities of the helicopter as a "family plane." 
As this development stands today, the heli- 
copters are not as readily mastered as the 
early reports forecast. But helicopters seem 
to place within our grasp a form of family 
air transportation which is easily handled, 
requires no airport or highway system, and 
promises a relatively swift means of getting 
the family from the city to the country, to 
the homes of relatives, on sightseeing jaunts, 
and home again. Even so, this plane would 
be a very minor auxiliary to stratospheric 
aviation and the possibilities it holds out 
for planetary travel and transportation. 

In the kitchen of the postwar home, elec- 
tronics seem likely to bring major changes. 
The electronic range offers the possibility 
of control such as the cooks of yesterday 
and today never have known. Cooking in 
this new adaptation can be "from the inside 
out," which means that a stew or pot roast 
can be prepared on top of the range in 
a porcelain bowl or tureen, in which it is 
brought to the table. Baking, roasting, broil- 
ing, simmering, can be done in plain sight, 
with complete control over time and tem- 
perature, and the family kitchen, like the 
synthetic rubber plant, will be a matter of 
gauges and automatic control. 

We Can Be Healthier 

Perhaps closer to our personal lives than 
jet propulsion planes or electronic cooking 
are the postwar possibilities in the field of 
medicine and public health. At the war's 
end, some 11,000,000 men in the armed 
forces will have learned what good medical 
care means. Among them will be millions 
who never in civilian life enjoyed the ad- 
vantages of modern dentistry, hospitaliza- 
tion, immunization, nutrition, and exercise. 
It is questionable whether returning service 
men, and women or the physicians and 
dentists themselves with service experience 
will be content with the catch-as-catch- 
can medical care now available to civilians. 
The logical move would seem to be an ex- 
tension of the social security system to in- 
clude compulsory health insurance a way 
of rationing the available medical care 
among all the people. 

The new advances in drugs and transport 
have won headlines, as correspondents here 
reported the almost miraculous accomplish- 
ments at the front of penicillin, the sulfa 
drugs, plasma, the new handling of frac- 
tures and wounds, the checking of epi- 
demics by insecticides, die increase in food 

supplies through the control of insect 
enemies and plant disease. There remains 
the less colorful but even more far-reaching 
change in attitude toward injury and 
disease, toward the interrelationship of body 
and spirit, with notable gains in handling 
such problems as convalescence, fatigue, 
shock, anxiety. 

< All technological advance means a change 
in education. To many authorities, the cur- 
rent trend is revolutionary. Certainly the 
outlook is for more vocational training, with 
a corresponding shrinkage in liberal arts 
education. But aside from the shift in focus 
and emphasis, there is bound to be a change 
in method. The forced-draft training of the 
armed services have developed new prac- 
tices in many fields, notably in mathematics, 
languages, science, and mechanics. There 
has come, too, an appreciation of the waste 
of time involved in the leisurely academic 
schedules of prewar years, and re-examina- 
tion of the traditional long summer vaca- 
tions. The outlook seems to be for an over- 
hauling of the educational system, for time 
saved in elementary and high schools, a 
new emphasis on "tool subjects" and their 
effective mastery, flexible study-job pro- 
grams, closer contact between education 
and the going world. 

Needs of Mankind 

But above all, the new technology points 
to security as the most important factor in 
modern life. It is an exciting adventure to 
contemplate the advances in communication, 
transportation, production, health, that the 
new technology places within our grasp. 
But even electronic ranges, television, peni- 
cillin, jet propulsion planes, are unimportant 
in themselves, if we cannot harness them to 
constructive uses. 

War has seen the development of new 
weapons to destroy man and die work oi 
his hands, new methods of repairing the 
ravages of mechanized war in maiming 
men and exposing them to unprecedented 
hazards of disease, speed, and munitions. 

In the months ahead, Survey Graphic 
will explore some of the advances in the 
fields of chemistry, physics, transportation, 
communication, medicine, and public 
health. But this series of articles cannot stop 
with describing the miracles of synthetics, 
television, the sulfas and penicillin, DDT, 
rocket planes, electronics. Allied to the new 
advances and discoveries are the urgent 
problems of peacetime use. Economists tell 
us that there will be a slight depression 
immediately after the war, then a great 
boom, as we harness productive capacity to 
the needs of civilians around the world. But 
a decade later will come the real issue 
can we gear production and distribution to 
the needs of mankind? 

In confronting unimagined vistas of pro- 
duction, these writers will look beyond die 
wartime accomplishment: How can we use 
the skills and experience of the 60,000,000 
workers who must be kept at work if this 
nation is to maintain maximum production 
and full employment? How can we apply 
the advances of technology so that they will 
mean around the world more secure and 
happier lives for men and women and their 

The Niger Valley 

The land and people along a great African river, once called the "Nile of the Negroes," are 
ready for fresh adventures in liberty, equality, fraternity on the part of a new France. 



great a river as the Niger is so little known. 
For, unlike the Nile, it has not inspired 
historians and dramatists; much less have 
its praises been sung by poets. Here in th? 
United States, I have found that, at least in 
the public mind, it remains a "poor rela- 
tion" of that illustrious watershed on the 
other side of the African continent. 

Emergence from oblivion is merited by 
this wonderful stream which stretches for 
over 2,600 miles. It carries immense possi- 
bilities in its current vast wealth not only 
of water but of transport and power. The 
recompense to those who bring its riches 
to light will be all the more because nature 
hid them for so long and rendered their 
accessibility difficult. 

For twenty years and more, audacious 
Frenchmen, handicapped but not halted by 
World War II, have struggled to give to 
this waterway its rightful place in the great 
family of river basins as a nurturer of life 
and culture, a generator of livelihood and 
natural wealth. 

The Niger rises near the sea in the semi- 
tropics less than 150 miles inland from 
the Atlantic on the northern declivity of 
mountains that border French Guinea. Like 
Caesar's Gaul, it can be divided into three 

The Upper Niger young, turbulent, of 
little constructive value, this flows from its 
source northeast to Bamako along a route 
of some 300 miles; 

The Middle Niger mature, wise, con- 
structive, this swings by a huge curve 
through the French Sudan from Bamako 
to below Gao, some 1,100 miles; thereafter 

The Lower Niger old, peaceful and en- 
riched, this flows south to its mouth in 
British Nigeria, 1,200 miles to the south. 

The Middle Niger 

It is the mature Niger, midway of its 
course, which is the most interesting of 
these reaches, the one most likely to be 
the immediate scene of creative advance. 
Its history is that of a tenacious fight for 
possession against the desert. This fight, 
running water has won and, having won, it 
offers to man an immense field of enter- 
prise. Here, in the course of eons, in an 
immense depression in what is now the 
center of the Sudan, the river created a 
vast interior delta, and filled it with allu- 
vium as it flowed on its way. 

Today, as the map will show you, this 
vast region is the hub of French West 
Africa and forms the larger part of Soudan 
Francois, one of the colonies making up 
the Federation known as A.O.F. (Afrique 
Occidental Francaise). The others are: 
Mauritania at the northwest; Senegal to 
the west; French Guinea, southwest; Ivory 

Coast in the south; Togoland and Dahomey 
to the southeast; and Niger Colony at the 

The French settlements along the coastal 
zone were founded in the seventeenth cen- 
tury. It was only at the beginning of the 
nineteenth (1823) that a Frenchman, Rene 
Caille, journeyed through the Sudan and 
along the middle valley of the Niger, reach- 
ing Timbuktu after many adventures. He 
crossed the Sahara in returning to France. 

French penetration and final settlement 
in the interior regions date from the last 
part of the nineteenth century, with the 
deeds of Archinard and Bonnier, of the 
young Joffre and Gouraud. It was only 
after World War I, however, that practical 
interest began to focus on this region. 
There was everything to be done; few or 
no maps; few or no roads. A few miles 
from the banks of the river and you came 
to the unknown. 

Nonetheless, all along there had existed 
all the elements to provide ampler footholds 
for native life and a new and resourceful 
setting for civilization. Such as: 

alluvial soil, fertile and flat (on an aver- 
age of 3 to 5 inches declivity per mile), 

By one of the first emissaries to reach 
us from Dakar the young and vigorous 
chief of social and economic engineering 
(as distinct from dam building and pub- 
lic works) in the Niger River office. 

His mission for the government of 
French West Africa took him across the 
United States to study irrigation 
specifically for the cultivation of rice. 
He has put himself abreast, also, of pro- 
grams of settlement, of rural and urban 
development, in areas reached by our 
new networks of canals and cables which 
spread the moisture and energy of run- 
ning streams. 

Mr. Rossin had a rounded equipment 
for pioneering as a state engineer. He 
holds degrees from The Institut National 
Agronomique, the Ecole Superieure du 
Genie Rural and the Ecole Superieure 
d'EIectricite all in Paris. Even more, he 
had subsequent field experience: first in 
Morocco, where he worked both in 
colonization and on hydraulic installa- 
tions; then with a mission of the French 
Ministry of Agriculture to Egypt and 
the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. 

The French apply the word "exploita- 
tion" to the Niger program for recap- 
turing land and water; for building up a 
food supply and a labor force. But as 
Mr. Rossin outlines these early stages, 
the pattern would seem a complete break 
with old formulae of imperialistic coloni- 
zation, and with our own hoary tradi- 
tions of "sharecropping." 

extending over a territory of several mil- 
lion acres; 

a river which pours sixty billion cubic 
yards of water into the sea each year; 

a climate permitting the cultivation of all 
tropical plants; 

a primitive population which, although 
sparse, is friendly, hard working, land 

N. V. A. 

Nature had disposed these factors gen- 
erously, but unfortunately had not united 
them. It was up to modern men to make 
the necessary integration, and in 1932 the 
French government entered upon the task, 
establishing an "Office du Niger." Develop- 
ments since have been strongly influenced 
by its great American contemporary, the 
Tennessee Valley Authority. 

First came difficult topographical studies; 
then dam building and intensive agricul- 
tural experimentation. Finally, after early 
attempts at colonization, the foundations of 
a rounded program were laid with objec- 
tives that are at once social and economic. 

The aim is social because designed to 
regroup a sparse population; to afford them 
better conditions of life by putting into 
their hands the means of assuring maxi- 
mum results from their labor; to provide 
for their education, as it were, from the 
ground up; and to encourage their advance- 
ment, materially and in things of the spirit. 

The aim is economic because a country 
which lived on itself (and lived badly), 
and which exported nothing, is being trans- 
formed into a productive region that will 
exchange products with the rest of West 
Africa and the world. 

Let me say that to these tasks dozens of 
engineers, administrators, and agricultural 
technicians have devoted themselves. The 
magnitude of the work to be done enticed 
them, along with the wish to build and 
with the fascination of creating something 
new. These young pioneers have given a 
splendid example of courage, of team spirit, 
and faith in their work, often under diffi- 
cult conditions especially during the pres- 
ent war. 

First: Dams and Canals 

When discovery and planning gave place 
to construction, the earliest stage was the 
erection of a diversion dam at Sansanding. 
This is at the head of the interior delta of 
the Niger and was completed by 1941. 
From this dam stem irrigation canals, 
with their ramifications, which will bring 
water to the immense area that ultimately 
will be put into cultivation. Partly metal 
and partly masonry, the dam itself is 2,700 
feet long and is extended by an earthwork 
more than 6,000 feet in length. 

The great "mother" canal which leads 
out from the dam is 170 feet wide at its 


|6 Sb.Louis 

GAMBIA* 1 ? 

Timbuktu y 












100 '200 300 400 500 MILES 

Survey Graphic map by Harold Felber, of The New York Times 
The Niger and its territory; with particular reference to the little- known development along the Middle Niger, in French Sudan 

bottom (it will be twice that width in 
time) and some 12 to 15 feet deep. After 
a course of about five miles, this divides 
itself into two principal branches one tend- 
ing toward the north; the other, toward 
the northeast, paralleling the main river. 
After about twenty miles, each of these 
two canals joins up with an extinct river 
bed of the Niger and thereafter these, 
in turn, serve as main canals. Thus, by 
digging no more than forty-five miles of 
artificial waterways, a principal irrigation 
network was obtained more than one hun- 
dred and fifty miles in length. All these 
principal canals are now navigable through- 
out the year and are equipped with locks 
where necessary. 

Next came the digging of irrigation 
ditches, land clearing and preparation; the 
building of villages, the transport of native 
colonists, and their provision with farming 
implements, cattle, seed, food to tide over 
the first season all involving investment 
on the part of the French government in 
disclosing the possibilities of a great fron- 
tier and rendering it at once productive 
and livable. 

During the last four years, the members 
of the staff of the Niger Office determined 
to stick to their last. They were less con- 
cerned as to the jeopardy of their own live- 
lihoods under wartime conditions than with 
the hazard that all their works of hand 
and imagination would revert to wilder- 
ness. When I recently visited a great plant 
which manufactures agricultural imple- 
ments in the American Middlewest to see 
when we might secure postwar delivery 
of great tools I could tell them that our 

mechanics had patched up their prewar 
output with pieces of hardwood and scrap 
metal so thoroughly that they would 
scarcely recognize them. 

Today, with the counter invasion of the 
Allies, and the deliverance of France, the 
Niger Office is responsible to the Governor 
General of French West Africa at Dakar 
and on to the Ministry of Colonies, at 
Paris, under the French government. 

Next: Settlement 

The World War inevitably retarded the 
project. Nonetheless, approximately 50,000 
acres of land, which a dozen years ago 
were covered with jungle growth, unpro- 
ductive and uninhabitable, have been com- 
pletely cleared, cleaned, irrigated. 

These tracts are peopled with nearly 
20,000 natives, who produce ten to fifteen 
times more crops than they had hitherto 
wrung from the soil through uncertain 
and archaic husbandry. 

They have come from neighboring re- 
gions of identical climate. On their arrival, 
they have found land free of underbrush 
and provided with a complete system of 
irrigation. They have found homes in 
villages constructed in advance. Each family 
therefore starts housekeeping in a dwell- 
ing set aside for it; each receives a mini- 
mum of agricultural equipment (plows, 
harrows, and carts); together with cattle 
required to pull the farm vehicles, seeds 
necessary for initial planting, and food 
adequate to sustain the family until the 
first harvest. Each family works for its 
own livelihood and gain, with its own 
materials, and on its own plot of ground. 

Each, as will be developed later, is re- 
warded in proportion to the amount of 
work they put into the land. 

For every unit of 15,000 to 20,000 acres, 
the native colonists are grouped in what 
are called Associations Agricoles Indigenes 
(native agricultural associations). These are 
a sort of mutual cooperative, with officers 
or head men elected by its members. Each 
is endowed with civil rights, and is utilized 
by them as agent in their purchases and 
sales. Moreover, such an association pos- 
sesses tools of production and processing 
over and above the requirements of the 
individual family trucks, for example, 
barges, rice mills, threshers, tractors. The 
association concerns itself not only with the 
sale of the harvest but with buying spare 
parts, equipment, farm animals, which it 
sells, in turn, to its members. 

The Settlers 

Thus, each family works for itself, and 
earns in proportion to its work but at the 
same time, benefits from the advantages 
secured by mutual enterprise on a larger 
scale. Thus, the colonists are not isolated 
workers; their association is a powerful 
means of self-protection and cooperative 
action, of education and self-improvement. 

The members take an active part in the 
workings of these native associations and 
are aided in the task by a corps of agents 
both French and native who serve as 
counselors and teachers. Such advantages are 
complemented by medical and veterinary 
assistance afforded by the Niger Office, no 
less than by schools. 

The Africans populating French West 


Supply Mission for France 
Carding cotton after the fashion of the tribes of French West Africa 

French Press and Information Service 
Native boatmen of Gao, town situated at the end of the Middle Niger 

Africa arc of various types. There is even 
one group, whatever its origin, whitish of 
skin. There are Maures and Touaregs from 
the desert, and other migrant folk. But 
for the most part they belong to various 
tribes, different in customs and language, 
but all of Negro type, generally tall and 
strong. They are not without crafts and 
arts. Without a written language, they 
have intelligence, if not book learning. 
They are swift in youth to learn to speak 
French and to get the hang of tools; quick 
to participate and carry responsibility in 
their cooperative associations; eager to 
make the most of their new opportunities. 
In the immediate neighborhood of the 
Niger delta, they fall into three vocations, 
each with its own characteristics fisher- 
men, herdsmen, farmers. It is from this 
third group that we draw our settlers, for 

the most part, so that the change is not 
from one calling to another (as in the 
case of many Palestinian colonists, for ex- 
ample) but from one level of work to an- 
other of the same sort. 

The Villages: Old and New 

So difficult is life in the old order, so 
exhaustive the primitive cultivation of the 
soil, that the native villages we draw from 
are often twenty miles apart. In North 
Sudan, in particular, these impress you as 
beset with poverty. The houses are set 
fairly next to each other along narrow 
crooked streets. Each village lives on it- 
self, and the distance to the next makes 
intercourse and trading difficult. 

But there is always one open space re- 
served at the center of a native village 
where special care is taken of a wide 

spreading tree, often a cailcedra or a ficus. 
Under the shade of its thick leaves, the 
villagers are prone to talk over all the 
problems and events, important or futile, 
which concern them. Men usually predom- 
inate in this "forum"; rustic benches sur- 
round the tree, and here is the center of 
the spiritual life of the community. 

In the new settlements in the irrigated 
zone, an effort is made to maintain, while 
improving so far as light and air and 
sanitation go, the traditional native style 
of house. Thus, the casement of the outer 
door is left unfinished, as that is some- 
thing each household likes to contrive foi 
itself. All the streets are wide, all straight, 
all shaded by trees. Three innovation* 
these; but that does not mean that the 
ancient center has been overlooked. Rather, 
several trees are placed there; a well for 
drinking water dug; seats provided for 
gossip and high talk. 

Fruit trees are planted near the home* 
for and by each family; and vegetables are 
grown in gardens all around the villages. 
Little by little, comforts in the homes im- 
prove with the increase in returns from 
the crops. Bedsteads and bedding, mos- 
quito-nets, chests, pots and pans, and other 
handy little articles come into use and 

The New Fields 

Where formerly there were only a few 
dwellings crowded together, there are now 
real farms. Farming implements (plows, 
harrows, carts) can be seen, proudly dis- 
played, in a corner of the clean yard. There 
are bulls and cows, chickens and ducks. The 
fruit trees begin to bear; the family garden 
yields vegetables for daily meats; store- 
rooms are full of cereals from the fields. 

The same metamorphosis goes forward 
on the soil. Instead of tiny patches sur- 
rounded by the jungle, tilled by hand, there 
are wide fields regularly set out 

At sunrise in sowing time, the vast plain 
becomes alive with plowing teams. The 
fertile land is ripped open, the plowshares 
shine in the sunlight. A life devoted to 
work, but to a work which brings reward, 
develops everywhere. And before the day 
of traditional festival, everyone competes for 
the best clothing which is a sign of the 
new prosperity. 

The time will come when these vast 
acreages will be tilled by tractors. The 
tractors will be handled by natives who in 
not a few instances have shown aptitudes 
for machinery. Today, however, for the 
most part they are going through an earlier 
revolution summed up in the ox their 
first use of great beasts to ease their own 
back muscles. 

Now Sudan oxen are accustomed to lib- 
erty and to wandering in the jungle. It is 
not a small or inexpert task to transform 
them into draft animals. Their teaching 
is a slow process, a matter of weeks before 
they can be asked to pull a plow, even at 
the hands of native "specialists" charged 
with this work. 

Then, the farmer himself has to grow 
accustomed to use both ox and plow for 
the native cultivator tends to be slow to 
grasp the advantages of the new methods. 


He, in turn, has to go through a patient 
process of education. The native teacher 
has many farmers to teach, and very often 
as soon as he turns on his heel, an oldster 
will pick up his hand hoe and begin again 
the hard toil of his ancestors. So it is 
necessary for the teacher to come back, to 
persuade little by little, and mainly by ex- 
ample, that results can be obtained better, 
easier, faster, with the "bull's" help. Other 
farmers can sometimes make this clearer 
than the teacher; the facts soon speak for 
themselves; and a little later, the plowman 
becomes an example for later colonists. 

Meanwhile, when the morning sun 
streams over the irrigated land with its 
plowing teams at planting time, this is 
why you so frequently see bulls led by 
young boys, proud of their youthful skill, 
conscious of doing their part. 


It has been the finest reward for those 
of us who have shared in this new type of 
pioneering not only to see the fields yield 
greater crops, but to sense advances by the* 
native farmers in that other field of which 
[ have spoken, the administration of their 
agricultural associations. 

As the natives are of various races, lan- 
guages, customs, care is taken that in their 
new setting they find themselves, if possi- 
ble, among friends, or at least among those 
of the same tribe. Their habits are always 
respected. Being freed from uncertainty as 
to their "daily rice" the year through, they 
can give more time to higher things, if 
you will; and these, in turn, carry new 
conviction as to what may be obtained 

French Press and Information Service 
The village center, with spreading tree, is retained in the new settlements 

Ewing Galloway 
This is not a crowd in North Africa, but the market place of Timbuktu, French Sudan 

through the modern techniques to which 
they have been introduced from seed time 
to harvest. 

It must be borne in mind that on their 
arrival many of them have never handled 
much money the small coin of incentive 
in our Western world. The war has done 
such violence to our French franc in inter- 
national exchange that perhaps it has been 
just as well that tangible things have play- 
ed so large a part in the bargain they 
strike with life. In prewar days, there was 
a strong preference for small bills, and 
plenty of them, in their dealings with their 
associations. There was decided preference 
for a pile of 5 franc notes as against one 
for a thousand francs. You could hold 
them in your hands and see that you had 
gained much for your labor. Sometimes we 
had to clamp down on the practice of cer- 
tain shrewd individuals who feathered their 
own nests by exchanging an alluring dozen 
of small bills for one for a thousand francf 
held by a naive neighbor. But money, 
like tools, like motive power from the ox 
up, yields to expanding experience. 

Even more does self-reliance mount in a 
cooperative association. Thus, at harvest 
time, each native family first puts aside 
for their own store the amount of cereali 
they will require for nutriment in the year 
ahead. The basis is 600 Ibs. per person. 
Then, they set aside the amount of seed 
necessary for future sowing. 

The rest of the crop is sold by the co- 
operative to the best advantage of its mem- 




Sansanding diversion dam, at the head of the interior delta of the Niger: a drawing 

bers, and for their benefit. From the net pro- 
ceeds are deducted costs covering transpor- 
tation and processing (threshing, milling 
of rough rice, and so on); and the expenses 
of the cooperative itself. 

Of the remainder, a share (about one- 
third) is turned over to the government in 
redeeming outlays involved in installing 
and equipping the colonists at the outset 
and so paid off on an instalment plan.* 

The rest represents the net return in the 
case of each family on the basis of its con- 
tribution to the crop that has been sold. 
And we have repeatedly been struck by 
their choices, each year, to employ a share 
of it for common tools, like barges or 
trucks, for the cooperative in its service to 

Rice Bowl of West Africa 

Such are the general principles and 
simple examples in their application 
which today govern the development of a 
region which tomorrow will turn the Niger 
delta into the granary for this whole part 
of Africa. 

Glance at the map of this territory and 
you will see how readily the three principal 
colonies which border the valley Senegal, 
French Guinea, and the Ivory Coast can 
be reached. In the prewar years, they had 
to import rice from faraway Indo-China. 
Yet these three colonies can themselves fur- 
nish valuable products for cash export 
such as peanuts, palm oil, noix de palme, 
cocoa and coffee (the demand for which, 
from the point of view of the war effort, 
has been pressing). The production of 
such exports is, however, contingent upon 
the degree to which these coastal colonies, 
in turn, can receive food supplies adequate 
to meet their daily sustenance. The stra- 
tegic goal of the Niger River Valley devel- 
opment is to satisfy just that. 

What remains to be solved is assurance 
of equipment in the Valley equipment for 
constructing and operating canals, for pre- 
paring and cultivating the ground, for 
transporting crops safely and swiftly. When 

* The land itself is retained by the government, in 
order to avoid its re-sale in ways which would 
bring great areas into the hands of owners who 
would not themselves work it 

these factors are accounted for, the age-old 
problem of providing West Africa with the 
necessities of life will be solved. 

Again the role of the Niger itself enters 
into the solutions called for. Thus the river 
is naturally navigable during six to seven 
months of the year and is accessible to 
small boats during the entire year. With 
water storage reservoirs, a considerable part 
of the year-long transportation problem 
will be solved. This great stream, more- 
over, is destined for other "multiple pur- 
pose" benefits, of which irrigation and 
transportation are but two aspects. 

On its upper valley and those of its trib- 
utaries are perfect sites for power and 
storage dams. The electricity produced will 
find many uses outside of domestic con- 
sumption such as the processing of crops 
and minerals, especially those natural phos- 
phates which are found near the Niger 
River Valley. Above all, this power can 
be utilized for refrigeration in a region of 
tropical heat. As the acreage under irriga- 
tion in the Niger Valley expands, not only 
will its soil be able to furnish grains, vege- 
tables, and raw materials for industry, but 
the breeding of cattle, already a prosperous 
undertaking, will, thanks to refrigeration, 
find easy outlets for its meats. 

Looking Ahead 

A vast program of land improvement 
lies before the French colonizers. The po- 
tential resources of this primeval country 
are as yet only partially known or grasped. 
New activities, still unsuspected, will keep 
step with the broadening of community 
life. And it is thanks to the Niger, thanks 
to this savage African river which will be 
tamed, that a vast country yesterday un- 
productive, all but unpopulated and deso- 
late may find itself tomorrow prosperous, 
animated, and happy. 

Simultaneously with the discovery and 
extraction of natural wealth, the level of 
life of the native population will be raised. 
Such is the hope and aim of the pioneers 
in the colonization of the Niger Valley 
above all, to help them make themselves 
full men. It is a task worthy of the new 
France, the France which, reborn, is re- 
building herself. 

Perhaps the dream and its accomplish- 
ment over the next half century can be 
put in an incident which the engineers of 
the Niger River Office tell their friends. 
It has to do with but one strand in their 
skein of work, but that is kindred to the 

They found people living a hundred 
miles or so north of the site where they 
were to build the impounding dam at the 
Niger delta. It was wild country, scotched 
by frequent droughts. But these natives 
clung to an ancient legend which ran back 
beyond the memories of their grandfathers. 
It had to do with a large river that had 
flowed across the country, making it pros- 
perous. Then, so the legend ran, the gods 
must have been offended. The river died. 
The richness vanished from the soil. The 
people had been impoverished since. 

That legend was true. The river had 
been there; the Niger or one of its branches. 
But the natives would not believe it when 
told that the white men would or could 
bring it back. 

When water water from 300 to 600 
feet wide came down the old river bed, 
the people stood and marveled. No won- 
der, when even a few drops can mean so 
much in a country like theirs. 

Healing Waters for 
a Wounded Earth 

Watersheds and the promise they hold 
as footholds for postwar development: a 
special series in collaboration with 
Morris Llewellyn Cooke, engineer and 
public servant. Articles to date: 

"Cinderella the Great" [Survey 
Graphic, July 1944} by Morris L. Cooke, 
author of "Brazil on the March." The 
Amazon's little known sister runs like 
the Nile, south to north through Brazil- 
ian country as thirsty as Egypt. But the 
San Francisco River has latent energy 
to throw open a vast hinterland to post- 
war settlement and progress. 

"The Grand Job of Our Century" 
{Survey Graphic, August 1944} by 
David E. Lilienthal, chairman, Tennes- 
see Valley Authority. Men will always 
dispute over economic and political ab- 
stractions. Real things can cut through 
dogma in an American Development 

"Two Wars and Muscle Shoals" [Sur- 
vey Graphic, August 1944} by Katherine 
Glover, author of "America Begins 
Again." A wartime dud a quarter cen- 
tury ago, today the Tennessee Valley 
generates 10 billion kilowatt hours a 
year; three fourths for war use. 

"Big Magic for the Big Muddy" {Sur- 
vey Graphic, September 1944} by Rufus 
Terral, editorial writer, St. Louis Post- 
Dispatch. Missouri Valley, the nation's 
second greatest, becomes alive to its 
opportunity and in a ferment of con- 
flicting ideas seeks a plan. 

Articles to come on the Danube and 
other river basins, here and abroad. 



Agenda for the American People 

As considered at a mythical Mountain Conference high above the 
smokescreens of propaganda issuing from the tents of the mighty. 

way the Agenda for 1950 could be pre- 
sented to the people. I see perhaps a hun- 
dred leading Americans, men and women, 
meeting in some high, quiet place to pre- 
pare it. They are not the kind of people 
who are active in Me First groups. They 
are scientists, judges, teachers, university 
folk, philosophers of business, lovers of 
the land, statesmen and they think in 
terms of the whole community. 

I picture them as people without ide- 
ologies or dogmatic principles, aware of 
their own shortcomings and the general 
inadequacy of mankind, as Wells put it. 
They are accustomed to approach a ques- 
tion with the scientific attitude, and to look 
at all the major characteristics of a situation 
before leaping to a conclusion. They are 
aware of the pitfalls of language. If there 
are not a hundred of them in the country 
today, America is in a bad way. We had 
more than that in 1787. 

They ought, I think, to go up into the 
mountains somewhere. Perhaps the navy 
would invite them to Sun Valley, whose 
beauty and remoteness would give them 
perspective. The young veterans recuperat- 
ing there would remind them of the ur- 
gency of their task. They could look at 
the Sawtooth Mountains of Idaho, block- 
ing the sky to the north, and remember 
the majesty and splendor of their country. 

They could hold general meetings in the 
big lodge, while sub-committees, working 
on detail problems, could meet wherever 
they pleased. Sometimes they might meet 
on the terrace of the Round House, 8,000 
feet high on Mt. Baldy, at the top of the 
second tow, where they could look all over 
the Snake River Valley. It ought to clear 
the brain. The meeting should be held in 
summer rather than winter, with wild 
flowers, not snow. The delegates would do 
better to take their exercise on horseback, 
or fishing, rather than risk their tibias on 
the canyon run. 

The Chairman 

I can see the Chairman getting to his 
feet in front of the big blue tapestry in the 
lodge dining room to open the conference. 
He is a social scientist from somewhere 
on the Coast. His face is a little drawn, 
and he drums on the table with long 
fingers. He is no orator, but you can feel 
the whip of his mind, releasing something 
which seems to have been banking up in- 
side him for a long time. I shall not quote 
him directly, but paraphrase his address, 
as I imagine it. 

America, he says, has reached a mile- 
stone. We have met here to consider what 
we can do to help our country pass it safely. 
It cannot be muddled past; deliberate action 
must be taken. If thoughtful citizens like 


"Once Big Business, Big Unions, and 
Big Farmers moved in on the scene, the 
community had to develop Big Govern- 
ment to cope with them." That was the 
way Mr. Chase began his article on Big 
Government in Survey Graphic for 
December; and here is the informal 
sequel to that keen analysis. 

Both are advance chapters of his book, 
"Democracy Under Pressure: Special In- 
terests vs. the Public Welfare," which 
will come from the press this month. 
This book is the fourth in his series of 
reconnaissance reports brought out by 
the Twentieth Century Fund under the 
general title, "When the War Ends." 

Polls, stock market forecasts, and 
weather bulletins are so many attempts 
to blend prophecy with mathematics and 
scientific method. Trained as a public 
accountant and skilled as a writer, Mr. 
Chase's talent for wringing meaning 
from economic facts hangs on his gifts 
of insight and imagination. And, in turn, 
it is his grasp of hard fact that underpins 
his essays in prophecy. 

ourselves have no practical suggestions, the 
action will be taken anyway, by generals 
or by demagogues. 

The milestone would have been reached 
without the war, but perhaps not so ab- 
ruptly. There would have been more time 
to turn around, but not a great deal more. 
There was not much time to turn around 
after the banks began to close in 1932. 

The milestone, he says, is the point at 
which the pressures generated by a high- 
energy culture result in disastrous explosion 
under a policy of drift. In one sense, this 
war itself is such an explosion. Business 
depressions have plowed too deep, unem- 
ployment and insecurity have become too 
great, to be sat through patiently as one 
sits through a session with the dentist. The 
depression of 1929 was probably the last 
of its kind. It hardly touched Russia, which 
is an explosive fact in itself. It brought 
Hitler in Germany, the end of the gold 
standard everywhere, the Spanish Revolu- 
tion, the Japanese assault on Manchuria, 
New Deals in many nations, and violent 
economic changes throughout the world. 

As the depression deepened, governments 
shook off the rules of laissez faire and step- 
ped forward to manage the economy di- 
rectly its manpower, its money, its trade. 
In the process, many democratic govern- 
ments toppled into the arms of dictators. 
Democratic legislatures had no plans to 
meet the crisis, or if they had, they could 
not act fast enough in their strait jackets 
of checks and balances. 

The Chairman stopped a moment and 
leaned forward. . . . These are hard, un- 

pleasant words, I know. But democracy is 
up against a hard, unpleasant set of facts. 
There are no democracies in the pre-1914 
sense left in the world today. The war has 
forced even those few which still elect their 
leaders, far along the authoritarian road. 

The Participants 

We who are meeting here, the Chairman 
went on, represent no economic interest 
except that of the consumer, which means 
everybody. We are not specifically for 
"labor," for "capital," for farmers, for or- 
ganized medicine, for Wall Street, the West 
Coast, the export trade, the department 
stores, or for the manufacturers of Shock- 
ing Radiance perfume. 

We are not in favor of "capitalism," "so- 
cialism," "fascism," "communism," "indi- 
vidualism." We have gone through these 
vague ideologies and come out on the other 
side. We are in favor of keeping our minds 
open and the machines running. We want 
the community to go on, not to stop dead 
in its tracks as in 1929. 

We are not prejudiced in favor of private 
business, government business, cooperative 
business or nonprofit business. We believe 
that each has its place, depending on cir- 
cumstances. At one extreme stand the 
courts, which are certainly a function of 
government; at the other stands the afore- 
said Shocking Radiance, which is certainly 
a function of private enterprise with may- 
be just a dash of the Federal Trade Com- 
mission in the formula. In between, it all 

We have been called together to attempt 
a division of the "in between." A problem 
clearly stated is halfway solved. We want 
to run a line between the area where the 
public should be responsible, and the area 
where private interests should be respon- 
sible. Together they are responsible for 
57,000,000 jobs. 

We want to find out which monopolies 
can be successfully broken up into com- 
petitive units, and which cannot be without 
disaster. For the latter we want a program 
of control which will prevent restriction of 
output and keep the machines running. 

We want to determine how far labor 
unions should be regulated in the public 
interest, and whether the Wagner act needs 
amendment. We are sure, I think, that 
union accounts, like corporate accounts, 
should be a matter of public record. 

Everybody's Government 

While some of our committees are wrest- 
ling with such questions, others must 
wrestle with our disintegrating political 
machinery. If we had a government of 
Jeffersons and Disraelis in Washington, 
there is no reason to expect that even they 
would get far working through the present 



committee system of Congress, and ham- 
pered by the present division of fiscal 
policy and action into a dozen jealous 
bureaus. Because of the seniority rule, at 
nearly every outlet to Congress stands an 
old, old man, too tired to find out what 
the modern world demands. Such creaking 
machinery is ideal for the lobbyist. 

We must have first-rate men in govern- 
ment, and public service made an attractive 
career to keen youngsters. We need a more 
enlightened civil service, better rules for 
tenure, many more schools of public ad- 
ministration. We need higher salaries in 
the top ranks, like the scale paid in 

Our subcommittee dealing with red tape 
should examine the record of the Social 
Security Board. The board conducts the 
largest clerical job on earth, with 76,000,000 
Americans on its books. It should be a 
paradise for "bureaucrats." Yet in the two 
years after Pearl Harbor, it increased its 
work load one third, with 20 percent fewer 
employes. How was it done? 

David Lilienthal has given us an example 
of planning at the grass roots. The TVA 
works with the people of the Valley. It will 
not press projects, however excellent in 
theqry, that the people do not want done. 
It will not undertake projects for the peo- 
ple unless the people take off their coats 
and help. I recommend his book to our 
lubcommittee on the machinery of govern- 
ment. The TVA is something new in the 
world. Young men arrive from China, 
Brazil, Russia, India, to study it. 

We want to offer reasoned suggestions 
as to which public activities should be cen- 
tralized and handled from Washington, and 
which should be decentralized and handled 
regionally, like the TVA, or by the states, 
or by local governments. We want to know 
why we should tolerate 165,000 units of 
government at all levels. 

Management and Liberty 

We want to develop some pretty dear 
ideas about the three major forms of gov- 
ernment control: regulation, control-with- 
out-ownership, and outright ownership. 
Which is best for a given activity? In con- 
nection with the last, we should look 
closely into examples of government cor- 
porations. In many cases this form gets 
them out. of politics and allows their man- 
agers to practice real efficiency. 

These are some of the concrete matters 
we are going to take up, the Chairman 
continued. I see at least two such mana- 
gers in this room. They can help us. In 
order to make wise recommendations we 
must keep in mind some longer-range prin- 
ciples. We must remember that it is the 
era of abundance we are trying to adjust 
to. No nation in the world has yet solved 
the problem of distributing abundant pro- 
duction, except by war. This war itself has 
vastly multiplied our powers of produc- 
tion, so that abundance can be a greater 
threat than ever. We propose to find out 
how to make it a promise. 

The wild horses of the power age have 
to be harnessed by someone, otherwise they 
will kick Western civilization to pieces, 
in depressions, revolutions, wars, struggles 

for power at every level. The critical ques- 
tion is: Who is to do the managing? The 
simplest answer is to turn the job over to 
a dictator. He calls in some specialists, 
exerts his well known powers of divination, 
and then tells you and me what to do. If 
he is a benevolent despot, we may dislike 
his orders less than we dislike tramping 
the streets in search of work. If he is 
malevolent, like Hitler, many of us would 
rather die. 

Since 1929, any expectation of free, un- 
managed economies is academic. We all 
know that in our minds if not in our 
emotional nervous systems. Men cannot 
return to free, unmanaged economies so 
long as inanimate energy and mass pro- 
duction dominate human activity. 

Furthermore, I do not know how many 
of us, when we get right down to it, would 
like the London of Adam Smith. We have 
to cope with the age that is here. To run 
away from it is to become impotent. The 
parade back to unlimited free enterprise is 
not an inspiring spectacle. It leaves young 
people confused and baffled. They want 
leaders, not retreaters. 

Economic systems must now be managed. 
Have people in the democracies the brains 
to work out a kind of management which 
deals only with a few key functions and 
leaves most activities in private hands? The 
Swedes and the New Zealanders have done 
just this. They are small countries com- 
pared to ours, but experiments in a wind 
tunnel have often taught us much about 
flying in the open sky. 

We have come here, I take it, because 
we believe our democracy can find the 
brains. If anyone in this room does not 
believe that a managed economy is com- 
patible with political democracy and civil 
liberties, some mistake has been made in 
the invitations. That is one assumption we 
were all supposed to make. We do not 
have to assume its eternal truth, but with- 
out it as a working hypothesis we can do 
little here but toss a dilapidated ball of 
argument around the same old dusty circle. 
We assume that our democracy can man- 
age its affairs, and we have met to prepare 
a temporary plan of management. 

... At this point I picture two or three 
gentlemen getting up quietly and leaving 
the room. They are not again seen at any 
sessions of the conference. . . . 

Brotherhood and the Power Age 

Americans the Chairman picks up the 
thread of his talk were not brought up to 
plan for, or even to think about, their na- 
tional survival. That was taken for granted. 
Politics they considered a gaudy sporting 
event, like a horse race. "Who is going to 
win?" was the great question: not what 
he would do to, or for, the country. A 
Presidential convention was written up by 
the newspaper boys in terms similar to a 
championship football game in the Rose 
Bowl. Brass bands and betting odds were 
central on both occasions. 

People grabbed for things they wanted, 
and when the going was tough, they or- 
ganized pressure groups to intensify the 
grabbing. These groups have grown so 
strong that they have distorted the whole 

economy. The idea seemed to be how 
much you could take from America, not 
what you could give to her. 

Our forefathers set up an elaborate plan 
in 1787. They gave it a push and let it go. 
The expanding frontier carried it on for a 
hundred and fifty years. Lincoln had to do 
some managing, and so did Woodrow Wil- 
son. But the New Deal marked the first 
time it was ever necessary to make over-all 
plans coordinating banks, farmers, and em- 

Now we are managed to the rooftree in 
total war. Everyone who stops to think 
knows we cannot unloosen those war con- 
trols without the most careful supervision, 
or unemployment will run wild. We can- 
not have high national income and full 
employment for the long swing withoul 
some controls. If the national income falls 
much below $130,000,000,000, we cannot 
service the debt. 

Preachers have long admonished us that 
all men are brothers, but they got nowhere 
in the era of scarcity when there was not 
enough to go around. Brothers sat on 
brothers' heads. The power age has given 
material foundation to the preachers' case. 
For the first time in history there is no 
need for brothers to push one another 
down. Look at the United States in 1944, 
producing twice what it did in 1940! 

The economy of abundance makes the 
class struggle as old-fashioned as a high- 
wheeled bicycle. At the same time, mass 
production gears the economy into one 
organism, with intense specialization of 
work. A hundred years ago sixteen out of 
every twenty Americans owned their means 
of livelihood. Today, seventeen out of 
twenty do not. Seventeen out of twenty are 
utterly dependent on the organism. Unless 
the economy is operated at substantial 
capacity, life becomes meaningless and in- 
tolerable for them. 

The Choices Before Us 

To the Chairman's mind, therefore, full 
employment or progressive degeneration is 
the choice we have to make, the price we 
must pay for the fecundity of the ma- 
chine. The enemies of society are not the 
rich who spend their money on luxuries, 
but those who restrict production and won't 
let other people work. These enemies are 
found in the monopolies of both business 
and labor. The pressure groups are crawl- 
ing with them. 

Many radical philosophers still think in 
the static terms of legal title. They want 
to divide property, strip the rich of their 
"ill-gotten gains," have the state "take over" 
the means of production. But in the mod- 
ern world it is the dynamic output, the 
flow of goods, which is important. Idle 
assets, though the valuation figures reach 
to the moon, are worthless to the com- 
munity. Hence it does no good for the state 
to take over things unless it can move 
things. If the state can move things, it is 
unnecessary to take them over. The War 
Production Board owns nothing whatso- 
ever. Just look at what it moves! 

The Chairman paused again. . . . My 
time is about up. This isn't a speech but 
(Continued on page 31) 



Public Housing Charts Its Course 

As the new Congress meets, the Federal Public Housing Commissioner evaluates 
experience under the U. S. Housing Act of 1937 and offers his recommendations. 



one senses a desire to preserve the fruits 
of inevitable victory in war by insuring 
a peacetime economy of abundance. The 
housing front is no exception. Advocates 
of more and better housing and I am 
one of them maintain that given the 
proper conditions a housing program, 
including public and private operations 
each in its appropriate sphere, can be a 
major factor to insure full postwar em- 
ployment and provide Americans with 
homes worthy of our wartime aspirations. 

With the possibility of building homes 
for civilians whether in war work or not 
coming nearer every day, with Congress 
likely soon to consider legislation for such 
peacetime needs, the time has come' to 
evaluate the results and operation of the 
prewar housing program which was in- 
terrupted by hostilities as far as new build- 
ing went. We completed more than 105,- 
000 family dwellings in public housing 
projects before the war, with an additional 
25,000 under prewar contracts suspended 
for the time being, and 62,500 built for war 
needs which will revert to the low rent 
housing program after the war. This ex- 
perience should be scrutinized in preparing 
for a postwar program. 

Though one hears varying figures of the 
probable need, on one premise all the au- 
thors of these figures are agreed: We arc 
going to enter the postwar period with a 
gnawing hunger for houses and a pitiful 
shortage in our supply. As veterans return, 
as families reshuffle, and as temporary war 
housing begins to come down, the shortage 
will be increasingly felt. To relieve this 
pressure, and to help take up the slack of 
cutbacks, a speedy mobilization of the con- 
struction and housing industry will be need- 
ed. All this means a quick scramble at 
some point, where everybody will be intent 
on getting to work. 

Every Ounce of Effort 

During the war period a truce was called 
on the public-private battlefront, broken 
by only a few minor skirmishes. In build- 
ing homes for in-migrant war workers, we 
have operated under the concept that an 
over-all approach to the housing problem 
is essential, with private capital doing its 
share in its appropriate sphere, and with 
publicly financed housing being provided 
in the area which could not otherwise be 
served. But pent-up feelings are awaiting 
the day after the war when the whole sub- 
ject of public housing will again be under 

Postwar housing should not and must 
not become a dispute between advocates of 
public and private housing. Those in pub- 
lic and private housing must shoot at the 
target of better housing for America, no. 

JANUARY 194.' 

A unit of the National Housing 
Agency, the Federal Public Housing 
Authority has charge of publicly fi- 
nanced war housing, low rent housing 
and slum clearance, and various other 
government-financed housing functions. 
Mr. Klutznick, commissioner of the 
FPHA since May 1944, has been in the 
public housing field for the past eleven 
years. For some time he was general 
counsel for the Omaha, Neb., Housing 
Authority. Since 1941 he has been ac- 
tive in the government's defense and 
war housing programs first, as a re- 
gional representative of the National 
Housing Agency, with responsibility in 
a dozen states, then as assistant admin- 
istrator of the NHA. 

at each other. Their energies must not be 
expended in civil war when every ounce 
of effort must be mustered toward the con- 
structive conquest of America's housing 

On the one hand, advocates of a large 
public housing program must give assur- 
ance that they do not intend to encroach 
upon the proper domain of private indus- 
try and as a representative of public hous- 
ing I am prepared to give private indus- 
try that assurance. On the other hand, 
private industry must be ready to prove 
by works, not by words alone, that it will 
cooperate in seeking alternative solutions 
to meet housing needs of low income fami- 
lies wherever it cannot profitably serve 

A No Man's Land 

The area in which public housing should 
operate must be clearly delineated. I would 
suggest adhering to three simple principles 
and I am confident that most public 
housing advocates will subscribe to them: 

1. No new public housing should be 
provided where it is possible to fill the need 
by utilizing decent existing housing. 

2. No public housing should be built 
that will compete with private capital in 
building for families who can afford pri- 
vate housing of adequate standards. 

3. In recognition of the determined effort 
which we hope private capital will make to 
provide standard housing for the lowest 
possible income market, the scope of pub- 
lic housing need in a locality should leave 
a gap of some reasonable percentage, say 
15 to 20 percent, between the highest in- 
come to be served by public housing and 
the lowest income which can be reached 
by new private housing. Thus, if new 
private housing could not profitably be 
provided for families earning less than $100 
a month, then the highest income that 
public housing would admit in that locality 

would be something less than $80 a month. 

This would leave a "no man's land" 
with housing wants unfilled, offering pri- 
vate capital a challenge to devise ways 
to meet them. To do this job, private 
capital will have to tap its fullest re- 
sources and tax its ingenuity to move 
downward in the housing income scale. 
To produce more value at lower cost will 
not be easy. It will call for the active col- 
laboration of builder, investor, and worker 
in the housing industry. It will require 
the sympathetic assistance of government 
to private building. But private capital 
will also have to make something of an 
about-face. It can no longer refuse to 
venture into new fields, nor can it retreat 
to the false security of a higher-priced field. 
No longer can a smug attitude be tolerated 
that it will be time enough after the 
cream of higher cost housing has been 
skimmed off, for private industry to turn 
attention to other needs. 

I hope that I will not be misunderstood 
if I express a friendly warning. People 
will not wait forever. They have been pa- 
tient about their housing needs. They are 
beginning to tire of talk and demand ac- 
tion. There is real danger that, if private 
capital and industry do not fill this void 
in the no-man's land of housing need, the 
government will be forced, by pressure of 
need and popular demand, to use its powers 
to provide. This is not a threat. It is a 
realistic estimate of a situation which pri- 
vate capital must recognize. 

It is my hope that the field of public 
housing will never have to be expanded 
vertically into the next higher income 
group but that, in fact, it will be forced 
progressively lower as good, low cost pri- 
vate housing is provided for lower income 
groups. This is not just wishful thinking. 
Already, the simple guides I have outlined 
for establishing the upper boundary of 
public housing make up the formula adopt- 
ed by the Federal Public Housing Author- 
ity. In preparing applications to be used 
by communities in determining needs for 
postwar public housing, FPHA requires 
that this margin of safety in family in- 
comes of 15 to 20 percent should be used 
in computing the local public housing mar- 

Public Housing's Task 

Even with much more of the housing 
field thus fenced off for private capital 
than it now is able to serve, the task left 
for public housing is still so huge and ur- 
gent that to .attempt to expand it further 
would not be wise. The need for decent 
housing by families whose incomes can- 
not support good private housing at a 
profit under any circumstances at present 
conceivable is still appallingly large. Here 


let me point out that an analysis of the 
1940 housing census indicates that nearly 
30 percent of the urban dwelling units are 
in need of major repairs or are deficient 
in necessary facilities. 

How many new dwellings will be need- 
ed after the war? The National Hous- 
ing Agency estimates that 12,600,000 ad- 
ditional homes will be required in the 
next ten years to achieve any substantial 
reduction of existing substandard housing 
and to provide the additional accommoda- 
tions necessary when soldiers return and 
families unscramble. This means an aver- 
age of a million and a quarter homes a 
year, 36 percent of which fall in rental 
brackets of less than $30 a month and 22 
percent in rental brackets under $20 a 
month. Even with wide allowances for 
error, obviously the area of need for pub- 
lic housing is a tremendous one, since 
private housing of adequate standards to 
rent much below $35 a month has never 
been produced in substantial quantities. 

Today, families who cannot afford the 
rents necessary for good private housing 
must live in slums, or else decent homes 
subsidized with public funds must be built 
for them. What will our decision be? 
To try to provide decent homes or to 
continue with our slums and their mounting 
cost in crime, disease, fire, juvenile de- 
linquency, and destructive community at- 
titudes that result? 

Our short term experience in the attempt 
to provide low rent housing for this large 
group of Americans under the U. S. Hous- 
ing Act has developed a workable and de- 
sirable pattern. The act permits federal 
loans to local housing authorities up to 90 
percent of the capital cost of housing 
projects, in addition to annual subsidies 
in order to achieve low enough rents. 

However, experience has also shown that 
the formula should be improved and made 
more efficient. 

Redeveloping Our Cities 

Besides recommending certain improve- 
ments which I shall later outline, it is 
my opinion that not only public housing 
objectives, but the larger over-all housing 
job would be easier to accomplish if the 
nation were committed to an "urban re- 
development" program. In its broadest 
implications, such a program opens the way 
to the wholesale reclamation of misused 
and abused sections of our great cities on 
an over-all plan which would involve 
proper development of business sections 
as well as residential, and provide for the 
destruction of decayed structures as well as 
the rehabilitation of sound ones. The pro- 
gram should include a recognition of the 
responsibility to make provision elsewhere 
for the persons displaced from the sites 
redeveloped, and emphasize the need to 
enrich cities and preserve their future 
rather than to enrich individual owners of 
reclaimable property. 

This is a subject for independent dis- 
cussion. Redevelopment of our cities em- 
braces goals and therefore difficulties which 
are more complex than those that have usu- 
ally confronted us. The assembly of land 
into areas of sufficient size and character 
to permit sound and substantial re-growth; 
the acquisition of land at costs low enough 
to allow for its proper re-use; the methods 
of absorbing the write-off of land values 
necessary for their recapture and proper 
redevelopment; the problem of controlling 
density both in redeveloped areas and in 
areas of resettlement of displaced families 
these begin to picture the difficulties that 
must be met by coordinated and rull use 

of community and governmental talents and 

But such a program would not be im- 
possible of achievement, for there are a 
number of cities where local housing au- 
thorities already have the power needed 
to acquire land, and dispose of it to private 
individuals as well as to public agencies. 
The formula of annual federal contribu- 
tions to local authorities borne under the 
aegis of the U. S. Housing Act, could 
likewise serve as a means of absorbing the 
mark-down between acquisition cost of 
land and its true value. 

Furthermore, the proven acceptability in 
the financial market at low interest rates of 
the securities of the local authority could 
provide a pattern for an urban redevelop- 
ment program and thus eliminate the time- 
consuming and uncertain task of creating 
the body of legal opinion and market 
backgrounds without which the securities 
of an agency might have questionable sale 
value. Finally, with the many huge pub- 
lic housing projects that have been built, 
experience in reasonably large scale rede- 
velopment has already been gained under 
the U. S. Housing Act. 

This is a matter deserving thorough 
study and consideration by every commun- 
ity. At the same time, forgotten or ne- 
glected aspects of the public housing pro- 
gram and the constructive improvements 
necessary to make it more serviceable in 
the postwar era must receive attention. 

What About Rehabilitation? 

In the last few years a great deal of 
controversy has centered around the pos- 
sibilities of rehabilitating old housing. But 
no one really has made a studied effort 
to find out what can be done to preserve 
the value and livability of our current 

Federal Public Housing Authority 
Blossoming backyards, result of a garden contest held by families living in a publicly financed housing project in San Francisco 


BEFORE: Crowded, haphazard mass of dreary slum dwellings in a downtown section of Louisville 

Federal Public Housing Authority 
AFTER: Sturdy row houses and flats, planned with ample space for light, air, and recreation 

housing inventory instead of letting it decay 
into slums. As a result of this omission, 
our ideas as to the practicability of such 
a program range all the way from assump- 
tions that rehabilitation holds the key to 
the whole housing problem to categorical 
statements that rehabilitation is rarely feas- 

While I do not feel that the rebuild- 
ing or renovating of old structures can pro- 
duce a large volume of housing particu- 
larly if carried on in line with the basic 
concept that remodeling, repair or recon- 

As a complement to new construction, 
the rehabilitation of old structures in a post- 
war public housing program should be 
based on certain principles: 

1. The objective should be the use of 
existing buildings for low rent housing 
under certain circumstances instead of new 

2. Loans and annual contributions 
should be available to public housing 
agencies for this purpose when it involves 
the remodeling, repair or reconstruction of 
existing buildings located in neighborhoods 

Federal 1'ublic Housing Authority 
Same family, same rent, same town; but what a contrast between their former slum home 

struction should be done only where it will 
prevent or arrest the spread of blight in a 
neighborhood I am confident that we can 
capitalize on some part of our existing 
housing asset if we substitute genuine ef- 
fort for guess work in an effort to rehabili- 
tate housing not too far gone. 

Let me emphasize my conviction, how- 
ever, that it would be tragic if such a tool 
were used to perpetuate the life of build- 
ings structurally inadequate or located 
within neighborhoods which have gone 
down-grade so far that their recoupment 
would be contrary to the public interest 

The U. S. Housing Act of 1937 doffed 
its hat, in passing, at rehabilitation of ex- 
isting housing. Under that act, an effort 
was made to make possible rehabilitation 
of reasonably good housing. It failed be- 
cause the formula did not provide adequate 
subsidy which, when added to the antici- 
pated income from the rehabilitated prop- 
erty, would be sufficient to take care of 
maintenance, operation, and replacements, 
in addition to amortizing the debt during 
the anticipated life of the rehabilitated 
property. To make the maximum use of 
such existing houses for families of low 
income, additional congressional authority 
will be necessary. 

where the spread of blight can be prevented 
or arrested by this means. 

3. Instead of a 60 year period during 
which annual contributions would be pay- 
able, the period should not exceed 30 years. 
This more closely reflects the expectancy 
of rehabilitated existing housing. 

4. In order to recognize the realities 
of this situation, the permissible annual 
federal contribution should be 4'/2 percent 
of development cost for rehabilitation as 
against a maximum of 3'/2 percent for new 

5. Within the limits of the economic 
expenditure of subsidy, public housing 
agencies should have the option of pur- 
chasing or leasing the existing buildings. 

One might ask, why spend an additional 
one percent in subsidy in order to rehabili- 
tate rather than to build new? The an- 
swer is simple: If by a relatively small in- 
crease in expenditure we not only add to 
the supply of decent and sanitary housing 
for families of low income but, at the same 
time, arrest or prevent the blight of en- 
tire neighborhoods, that additional annual 
cost becomes justified. 

The Rural Slum 

Another neglected area that should be 
considered as a major aspect of the post- 
war housing program is that of rural hous- 
ing. When our public housing program 
was initiated, the concentrated, dramatic 
slums of our cities invited the almost ex- 
clusive concern of public housing. It is 
amazing how little attention has been given 
to rural slums, one of the greatest housing 
ills in our nation. 

The U. S. Housing Act contemplated 
the beginning of an attack on this prob- 
lem, and an industrious effort was made 
to use an urban formula to produce rural 
housing. Some 500 rural units were con- 
(Continued on page 29) 

and the trim housing project which they share with 317 other families in Macon, Ga. 


Labor Problem with a Future 

More than the rival claims of CIO and AFL will be decided when 60,000 Western Union 
employes vote this month in the NLRB election that climaxes a year-long controversy. 


Labor Relations Board will direct a collective 
bargaining poll to decide whether 60,000 
employes of the nation's newest monopoly 
prefer to be represented by the American 
Federation of Labor, the Congress of In- 
dustrial Organizations or by neither. 

The employer in the case is Western 
Union Telegraph Company, which recently 
completed its merger with Postal Telegraph 
under the Federal Communications Com- 
mission's direction. NLRB, which at this 
writing is preparing to get ballots to some 
19,000 telegraph offices from coast to coast, 
has said that the imminent election is the 
most complex and involved it has ever been 
called on to conduct. Observers of the labor 
scene add that it is probably one of the most 
important that the headline-making labor 
board ever has had to referee. 

The Clash Between the Unions 

The "dispute over representation" legal 
euphemism for the most determined AFI^ 
CIO fight to date began a little over a 
year ago when Postal Telegraph's oper- 
ations were absorbed into Western Union. 
FCC kept an alert eye on the proceedings 
as guardian of the public interest. With few 
exceptions, the multiplicity of problems 
legal, social, and economic raised by the 
merger have been settled without anyone 
claiming to have been fouled. But the major 
exception, the one big problem which re- 
mains, promises a plague of labor trouble 
for postwar America. 

One question presented to the govern- 
ment by the merger was, which union 
should represent the merged employes. 
AFL's Commercial Telegraphers Union 
held contracts with Western Union; CIO's 
American Communications Association was 
the recognized bargaining agency in Postal 
Telegraph. The NLRB ordered hearings in 
New York under a trial examiner and 
eventually the board invited the rival unions 
to come to Washington to put their case. 

During these hearings, protracted over 
many months, both unions attained a fierce 
degree of antagonism. As the NLRB poll 
nears, AFL and CIO, in open hostility, are 
competing for the votes of telegraph work- 
ers from coast to coast. 

This competition brings the two rival 
labor groups into a head-on national clash 
for the first time since the historic split in 
1936, when John L. Lewis led the exodus 
from the American Federation of Labor 
and set up the CIO. At this point, each 
organization is engaging in an all-out battle 
to retain its stake in the telegraph industry. 

As a preview of an emerging postwar 
pattern, the labor conflict at Western Union 
has exceptional significance. 

American unionism is entering a new 
stage. With over 15,000,000 wage earners 

Diana Lewars, a Swarthmore graduate, 
is a partner in the New York firm of 
Martin Dodge and Company, specializ- 
ing in labor public relations. She is 
associate editor of D-M Digest, a fort- 
nightly review of the American labor 
press subscribed for by employers, 
unions, public officials and libraries. 

in this country carrying union cards, the 
major problem in labor organization is no 
longer one of converting non-union workers. 
The big job is going to be holding members 
holding them particularly against the 
raiding operations of rival unions. 

What Lies Ahead 

This is not to say that all industries 
are fully organized, or that all steel or meat- 
packing firms, for example, are 100 percent 
unionized. The white collar field has hardly 
been scratched; and as foreman unionism 
continues to expand, supervisory employes 
can be counted on to fill out labor's ranks. 
But, by and large, the frontier days are 
over, the era of building fences is coming in. 

What lies just ahead are battles to shift 
the division of union power, influence, and 
membership strength. For the most part, 
these battles will see AFL and CIO affiliates 
pitted against one another, with independent 
organizations like John Lewis' miners and 
Matthew Smith's Mechanics Educational 
Society joining the contest, fending off raids 
and raiding in turn whenever there is an 

Fighting it out among themselves, labor 
organizations will more and more tend to 
make inter-union competition a primary 
concern, to some extent relegating union- 
employer issues to the sidelines. But at the 
same time, unions are fearful that employers 
will take advantage of any schism in labor's 
ranks to put through a program of union- 
busting. Anticipating that some employers 
may take V-Day as a signal to start settling 
old scores, fearing that a concerted employer 
effort will develop to restore open-shop 
conditions over a wide segment of Amer- 
ican industry, labor feels a critical need for 
solidarity. All labor factions are agreed on 
one thing: the necessity for labor unity. 
Union spokesmen, preparing for the post- 
war era, have sent out the Number One 
order of the day "Close Ranks." 

Hence, paradoxically enough, a drive to 
consolidate labor's forces will parallel the 
development of jurisdictional conflict among 
union organizations. As long as unions seek 
to increase their power and strength at the 
expense of other unions, the nation will see 
a turbulent period of competitive" agitation 
straining the industrial structure. Labor 
unity will thus tend to be sacrificed to the 

union vs. union struggle for power. 

As a prototype of the struggle, the West- 
ern Union case now before the country pro- 
vides a full scale model of this far-reaching 
development in the labor movement. 

The Pattern of the Conflict 

When the Western Union-Postal Tele- 
graph merger closed down union frontiers 
in the telegraph industry, the two laboi 
groups brought into conflict were the 
American Communications Association 
(ACA-CIO) and the Commercial Teleg- 
raphers Union (CTU-AFL). The number 
of dues-paying members in these unions 
was very close in 1943, with ACA-CIO 
standing at 18,353, and CTU-AFL at 20,- 
000, according to Florence Peterson of the 
U. S. Department of Labor. Today, in 
Western Union, AFL is believed to repre- 
sent a coast-to-coast majority of the work- 
ers; while ACA-CIO has an unchallenged 
majority in Western Union offices in New 
York City, Detroit, Duluth, and Salt Lake 
City, and claims to represent most W. U. 
telegraphers in the company's Eastern, 
Great Lakes, and Pacific districts. 

Because of this uneven geographical dis- 
tribution of strength, the National Labor 
Relations Board has been in an extremely 
difficult position. AFL petitioned the gov- 
ernment for one general election for all 
employes. CIO asked for an election by 
units and proposed that the system be 
divided for this purpose into over one 
hundred separate voting districts. 

Arguing from the fact that the communi- 
cations industry "must and does function 
as a single and very closely integrated oper- 
ating union" dnd that working condition! 
were "greatly similar throughout the sys- 
tem," the AFL claimed it was appropriate 
to have only one national voting unit and 
one national union. 

On the other hand, the CIO union, 
representing ex-Postal employes and not 
having yet extended and consolidated its 
strength throughout the whole industry, al 
first opposed any election as "untimely" 
until after the war. When NLRB threw out 
the postponement plan, CIO then proposed 
the multiple election units, suggesting that 
all cities voting for the same union should 
group together after the poll, thus forming 
two national bargaining agencies, CIO and 

The place of the company in this dispute 
was on the side of the AFL. Western Union 
also requested a single voting unit, on the 
grounds that two bargaining agents would 
promote union rivalry among employes and 
"chaos" in labor relations. (From the point 
of view of industrial efficiency, Western 
Union would prefer to negotiate only one 
contract covering all its employes.) 

The government, however, ended up with 



a compromise. NLRB ordered seven voting 
units, six on a regional basis consisting of 
the geographical districts of the Western 
Union company; and the seventh, Western 
Union's home office in New York City. 
Samuel H. Jaffee, NLRB examiner, pro- 
posed this arrangement because "the time 
since merger is too recent, conditions are 
too unsettled and abnormal, to declare now 
as most appropriate a unit which by its 
nature tends to finality." The government's 
ruling acknowledging that the dispute 
will outlive the election successfully avoids 
playing union favorites, but is actually pleas- 
ing to none of the interested parties. Since 
neither union is strong enough to win all 
seven districts, the immediate result of the 
election will be to formalize rival unionism 
in the industry. 

Because of the key position of the com- 
munications industry, the vast geographical 
area covered by Western Union, and the 
power and prestige which will accrue to the 
union that shows greatest strength, both 
CIO and AFL consider this election crucial. 
Each organization is turning to and throw- 
ing its machinery into high gear on behalf 
of its contending affiliate. 

The Strategy and Weapons 

Philip Murray, CIO president, has called 
Western Union "the No. 1 CIO organizing 
job this year," and a special Murray message 
which local CIO officials are directed to post 
on shop bulletin boards in plants all over 
the country states that "every affiliate of the 
CIO has a stake in this election." 

According to Lawrence Kammet, pub- 
licity director of the American Communica- 
tions Association and editor of ACA News, 
national CIO has contributed "over $50,000" 
to the campaign coffers, and a partial listing 
of contributions from CIO affiliates includes 
$10,000 from the Automobile Workers; 
$5,000 apiece from the Steelworkers, Elec- 
trical Workers, and National Maritime 
Union; $2,500 from the Fur and Leather 
Workers, and substantial sums from the 
Rubber Workers, Marine Shipyards Work- 
ers, Office Workers, and Amalgamated 
Clothing Workers. In addition to 100 full 
time, paid ACA organizers in the field, 
practically all CIO affiliates have loaned or- 
ganizers of their own. 

William Green, AFL president, has also 
requested cooperation from all Federation 
affiliates in backing CTU, but the AFL is 
not geared to the brisk, coordinated applica- 
tion of pressure on a nationwide scale which 
CIO developed to an efficient level in its 
Political Action Committee work. 

Like ACA-CIO, the Federation has close 
to a hundred professional organizers in the 
Western Union drive, but they work their 
beats on a regional basis without the direct 
wire to headquarters which characterizes 
CIO operations. The AFL union, however, 
claims to use organizers who know their 
way around the telegraph industry and can 
talk to employes in their own language. 
"This," says an AFL spokesman, "is in 
contrast to the non-telegraph professional 
soap-box orators utilized by the CIO whose 
silly-tongued smoothness weaves their webs 
of communistic theory, but who fail to de- 
ceive intelligent workers." 

The Campaign Arguments 

Analyzing the campaign oratory from 
each of the competing unions reveals basic 
patterns which will show up again and 
again during jurisdictional friction in the 
years just ahead. The sales talk will pick up 
fresh news angles as history goes on, but 
the underlying propaganda techniques are 
already molded and set. For example, chief 
selling point of the American Communica- 
tions Association is CIO's general, "win- 
the-war, no-strikes, jobs-for-all" program; 
while AFL's platform emphasizes the 
strength-through-unity theme: "A national 
union and ... a national contract." Thus, 
for some time to come, the CIO will play 
itself up as the party of progress and action, 
and the AFL will fight its opponent as the 
divisive factor in the labor movement. 

Following a long established procedure 
which it will carry on into its postwar 
battles, the AFL is trying to make com- 
munism a major issue in the Western 
Union election. Publicizing the record of 
ACA officials, alleged to be part of the red 
bloc in the labor movement, is the chief 
offensive weapon employed in AFL propa- 
ganda. (Communists are ineligible for 
membership in the Commercial Teleg- 
raphers' Union under the CTU-AFL inter- 
national constitution.) The AFL is making 
determined efforts to get into the hands 
of every Western Union employe a copy 
of the Dies committee report on Joseph 
Selly, ACA-CIO president. ACA's rebuttal 
follows standard pattern it does not deny 
charges of communism, but counters "red- 
baiting." Selly says he is "flattered" by the 
Dies report appraising him as "potentially 
one of the most dangerous individuals in 
the country." 

CIO's attack on its rival centers, to a 
large extent, on a charge of company union- 
ism. (To which AFL retorts, "The ACA- 
CIO continues to underestimate the intelli- 
gence of Western Union employes.") Any 
possible indications that AFL might be 
teacher's pet are fully exploited in CIO 
propaganda. But the nub of CIO's "com- 
pany union" charge has to do with two of 
the AFL's "federal" unions in the telegraph 
area, representing between them about ten 
thousand W. U. employes in the Southern 
and Gulf districts of Western Union. These 
AFL affiliates, Telegraph Employes Union 
and Telegraph Workers Federal Labor- 
Union, replaced the company union which 
was outlawed by the NLRB in 1940. 

The history of this intra-AFL relation- 
ship is one of bitter jurisdictional warfare 
between the Commercial Telegraphers 
Union and these other AFL units, in the 
course of which "company union" was not 
an unusual epithet. Now, the AFL is hav- 
ing difficulty living down its past, and ACA 
campaign literature is not making it easier. 

Against the common CIO enemy, the 
AFL affiliates in Western Union have 
banded together and will appear on the 
NLRB election ballot simply as "AFL." 
According to J. J. Lenahan, executive board 
member, CTU-AFL, not only are past 
quarrels k made up and past epithets re- 
tracted, but even closer relations among 
the AFL groups are expected after the elec- 
tion. If AFL should win an overwhelming 

majority in Western Union, AFL President 
Green might conceivably use the situation 
to draw the local groups into the Com- 
merciaj Telegraphers' fold. 

Meanwhile, ACA's newest angle is the 
traditional "smear" technique with a fresh 
coat of paint. It draws a parallel between 
the AFL election campaign and "the Hit- 
ler-like Dewey campaign of confusion, Iks, 
bigotry, and red-baiting" with the Western 
Union campaign being waged by "AFL 

"Misleaders" is a favorite ACA epithet. 
In order to avoid charges of dual unionism 
and splitting the labor movement, CIO is 
being careful to refrain from direct attacks 
on the AFL itself. The CIO line: The 
American Federation of Labor is an ancient 
and respectable house of labor, but it has 
fallen to corrupt, tyrannical leadership. 

The New Line-up 

In the course of this vast electioneering 
project, both CIO and AFL hinge an appeal 
for telegraphers' votes on the wage issue 
traditionally basic to union organizing cam- 
paigns. ACA-CIO's literature stresses wage 
demands. The AFL line minimizes CIO- 
won pay boosts as "crumbs," and promises 
instead to get "MILLIONS OF DOLLARS in 
wage increases ... in its nationwide con- 
tract negotiations." But the line-up on the 
wage controversy is not that of workers vs. 
the boss. Wage claims are advanced as bait 
for augmenting membership. 

At bottom, no new union strategy has 
developed during the Western Union con- 
flict to forecast novelty in future inter-union 
hostilities. The contestants have merely 
adapted standard organizing techniques to 
the new struggle. Only one of the regular 
trappings of a union organizing campaign 
is largely ignored: boss-baiting. Because this 
new labor struggle is between unions, the 
embattled organizations attack each other 
instead of concentrating their fire on the 
employer. A few years ago, any president 
of Western Union might have taken his 
place in labor literature along with Weir, 
Girdler, and Ford; significantly, the present 
president, A. N. Williams, is not even 
mentioned in the current union war. 

Thus, in the postwar clashes, documented 
in advance by the Western Union case, 
the weapons will be familiar but the battle- 
ground will be shifting. As to the outcome 
the present case study leaves that up in 
the air. 

The National Labor Relations Board 
election at Western Union will not per- 
manently solve the conflict or end the com- 
petition. The AFL predicts it will win six 
out of the seven election districts. ACA- 
CIO claims it will win four out of seven. 
But whether CIO or AFL comes out on top, 
both unions will continue their organizing. 
The winner will attempt consolidation; the 
loser will fight for a new majority. Raiding 
the new boundary lines will continue until, 
at the first opportunity, another election is 
demanded by one or the other union as it 
seeks to capitalize on a shifting employe 
loyalty. To this writer, the cycle of jurisdic- 
tional conflict holds no promise of orderly 
progress for labor, or for America. 



They Harvest New York's Crops 

How the richest state in the Union handles its indispensable 
crop-followers: a picture of the little-known Joads of the East. 



a truck accident near Binghamton, N. Y., 
in which two children and an adult were 
killed, and thirty-four others were seriously 
injured. The truck had been crowded with 
thirty-seven women and children on their 
way from Scranton, Pa., to a farm labor 
camp in New York State. Since it had no 
tailboard, there was nothing to prevent its 
occupants from being thrown out and 
strewn along the roadway. 

Like other tragedies in the past, that acci- 
dent may turn out to be a motivating force 
in producing some long needed social re- 
forms. By throwing a dramatic light on the 
dangerously crowded conditions to which 
migrant "pickers" are subject on the long 
hauls to the crops, it helped call public 
attention to the fact that crop-following 
families exist in the East as well as in the 
West, and that their problems have not all 
been solved by war prosperity. 

The fact that every summer thousands 
of persons are brought into New York, New 
Jersey, and other northeastern states to pick 
fruits and vegetables has been overshadowed 
by the great industrial activities of these 
states. Few people realize, for instance, that 
there are within the state of New York 
some 150,000 farms, with a total of about 
17,000,000 acres under cultivation; nor that 
this state ranks high in the production of 
beans, peas, tomatoes, corn, celery, onions, 
cabbage, cucumbers, lettuce, spinach, carrots, 
potatoes, beets, cherries, strawberries, apples, 
peaches, prunes, raspberries, and grapes; nor 
that, of the 120,000 persons required to 
harvest this abundance, from 10,000 to 20,- 
000 are usually imported from outside the 

Guests at Harvest Time 

Ever since the U. S. Senate's Committee 
to Investigate Interstate Migration (the 
Tolan committee) held a section of its hear- 
ings in New York four years ago, an uneasy 
awareness has been growing that all is not 
as it should be among these indispensable 
summer guests. Last year, the New York 
Consumers League, spurred on by the Bing- 
hamton accident and other ugly reports, 
determined to find out more about condi- 
tions among them and sent an investigator 
into twenty-two farm labor camps in nine 
New York farm counties. 

What the investigator found stands out 
as a dark smudge on a record of a state 
noted for its social enlightenment. This was 
a picture of hundreds of migrant families 
living as pariahs, shunned by the resident 
population, frequently cheated, and rele- 
gated to living arrangements so substandard 
as to compare unfavorably with the worst 
city slums. 

Some of the families who work in New 
York fields in the summer are year-round 

An associate editor who concentrates 
mainly on Survey Midmonthly, Kathryn 
Close occasionally writes for Survey 
Graphic as well. Off hours she has just 
woven together into a telling pamphlet, 
shortly to be published by the New 
York Consumers League, the results of 
its investigation of conditions among 
New York's migrant families. Here we 
are privileged to give an advance di- 
gest of the league's study. 

crop followers who come from as far away 
as Florida. Many are Negroes without home 
or settlement, whose winter existence as 
pickers on Florida farms is probably no 
better than their summer life in the North. 

Others come from crowded industrial 
areas within the state or from nearby Penn- 
sylvania, and are pickers only in the sum- 
mer. Among them are many women of 
foreign origin Italians, Syrians, Poles 
who go to the farms without their hus- 
bands, but with their children, to pick and 
earn a few extra dollars. 

All are recruited by agents of the farm- 
ers who usually send out trucks to get them, 
or by contractors (padrones), who make 
their living furnishing harvesters to farmers. 
Glowing pictures of the camps and the 
wages to be earned with little relation to 
reality are often painted at the point of 
recruitment. When families arrive at a camp 
hundreds of miles from home and find a 
different picture, they have little choice but 
to accept it as it is. 

These families have none of the protec- 
tions afforded industrial workers in New 
York State. Since they do not come under 
the State Workmen's Compensation Act, 
they receive no compensation for injury un- 
less voluntarily insured by the farmer. 
Neither the state's minimum wage law nor 
the federal wages and hours law includes 
them. They have no unions to protect them 
on wage promises or working conditions. 

Sixty hours composes the usual work 
week for migrant pickers in New York 
State ten hours a day for six days a week, 
for men, women and some children. Last 
summer there was at least one camp where 
women and children were forced to work 
ten hours a day for seven days a week. 

What They Earn 

Wages among farm laborers normally 
are scandalously low and work is irregular. 
Because farmers cannot always predict when 
the crops will be ready for picking, workers 
often arrive at a farm too soon, and so have 
to spend many days or even weeks in idle- 
ness. Even last summer, in the midst of the 
farm labor shortage, eighty migrant work- 
ers at one cannery-owned farm were idle 
for four weeks. 

On the whole, however, last summer good 
crops and the wartime manpower shortage 
brought wages and seasonal earnings that 
were far above those of other years. The 
50 cents a bushel then being paid for peas 
and beans would have been unheard of 
two or three years ago. But the standard 
weight of a bushel varied from thirty to 
thirty-four pounds. Where the heavier 
weight was demanded there was much 
grumbling, and some workers packed up 
and left before the crops were all in. 

At the lighter weight, an adult picking 
average size beans at a normal speed gath- 
ers about fifteen to seventeen bushels in ten 
hours. Other crops, such as carrots, corn, 
cabbage, and celery, last summer paid 
around 50 cents an hour for women and 
65 cents for men, as compared to 35 cents 
and 40 cents in 1942, and 10 and 12 cents 
in 1937. 

The average total earnings of these mi- 
grant families for the six to eight weeks 
they are in the state is an elusive figure. 
No records are kept, much depends on the 
condition of the crops and the weather, and 
an important factor is the size of the family. 
Frequently, the contractor or farmer makes 
deductions in pay for transportation to the 
camp and home, for daily transportation to 
and from the fields, and sometimes even 
for rent. In six weeks, last summer, some 
families cleared as little as $75; others made 
over $300. 

Their Parents' Helpers 

Children over six are usually "pickers" 
as well as their parents and spend the same 
long hours in the fields rarely less than 
ten a day, not infrequently twelve, and oc- 
casionally thirteen or fourteen. Sometimes 
even those who are hardly out of the baby 
stage will go along to the fields, as did one 
four-year-old who proudly told the league's 
investigator of the bushel and a half of 
beans he had "picked for mama." 

The youngsters, of course, are not listed 
on the farmer's payroll. They are their 
parents' helpers, a fact which hardly eases 
the strain for them. Many parents constantly 
nag their children on to greater production. 
But "picking won't hurt them when they 
are with their parents," say the farm 

Poem and story often praise the construc- 
tive value of the varied chores a country 
boy does on his father's farm. But the child 
pickers on New York's large industrialized 
farms learn no useful skills in their long 
backbreaking days of monotonous work. 
They are subject to all the disadvantages 
of children in industry, to none of the ad- 
vantages of the farmer's child. 

At one New York farm last summer, the 
league's investigator found sixty school age 
children working in the fields on a weekday 



long after the school term had begun. Such 
interference with normal school attendance 
is one of the worst aspects of migrancy 
among children, but it cannot be blamed 
entirely upon the parents' eagerness to make 
money. A child will prefer the fields to a 
school where he is snubbed as "one of those 
pickers." Few communities seem to enforce 
school attendance laws as far as migrant 
children are concerned. 

A ten-hour work day for a migrant farm 
worker means ten hours of continuous 
work, with the exception of a short time 
off for lunch. Rest periods are unknown. 
Sanitary facilities in the fields are complete- 
ly lacking. Drinking arrangements consist 
of a bucket of water with a common dipper. 
At the end of the day, the workers ride the 
ten or even twenty miles back to their 
camp as they came to the fields in the morn- 
ing in trucks which are sometimes so 
crowded with standing persons that no one 
could possibly sit down. 

The "Home Away from Home" 

The most shocking conditions endured by 
families who come to New York State to 
pick, however, are in their living quarters 
rather than in the fields. Among the farm 

labor camps owned and operated by the 
padrones or the farmers are some so bad 
"that it would seem that the only step to- 
ward improvement could be to set a match 
to them. Others, less hopeless, still fall far 
short of being fit for human habitation; 
some would be all right if they were not 

To accommodate anywhere from six or 
seven to 400 persons, the camps commonly 
offer two types of construction: long rows 
of attached one-room cabins, built especially 
to house the harvesters; and farm buildings, 
such as barns, silos, warehouses or aban- 
doned dwellings, converted to this purpose. 
The best are the cabins, for each at least 
has a window for ventilation, and complete 
walls which afford some measure of family 

Not so much can be said for the barns 
and other converted buildings. Though 
these often "accommodate" from thirty to 
sixty persons of both sexes and all ages, 
some of them have no partitions in the 
sleeping quarters. Others are divided, by 
partitions extending part way to the ceiling, 
into stable-like stalls opening on a common 
corridor. Two windows at opposite ends of 
the long corridor are often the only ones in 

Photos courtesy Koclieatcr LJtnwcrat and Chronicle 
Crowded sleeping quarters, with little ventilation, in a New York farm camp 

trie building. At least one camp has actually 
put old horse stalls into use as compart- 
ments for human beings. In one partition- 
less barn last summer a few of the families 
had made a pathetic attempt at privacy by 
stringing wires around their bunks and 
throwing coats over them to serve as screens. 
Overcrowding is the rule in all types of 
accommodations. When, as occasionally 
happens, a family of four has only one 
double bed at its disposal, the members 
sleep crosswise so they will not roll off. Each 
cabin unit is generally inhabited by an entire 
family four to five occupants being not un- 
common, and nine not unknown. 

The migrant women usually do the 
family cooking within these crowded, 
screenless sleeping quarters, on oil stoves 
which they have brought with them. Most 
of the camps, however, provide some cook- 
ing facilities, euphemistically called "kitch- 
ens." Often these are no more than wood- 
burning ranges placed out in the open or 
in lean-tos next to the barracks or barn. 
When the investigator for the Consumers 
League arrived at a camp at dinner time 
one evening last summer, she found it look- 
ing like a "gypsy encampment," with fires 
blazing every few feet. Many women were 
cooking on sheets of tin held over a wood 
fire by two small piles of bricks. Water for 
drinking, cooking, washing, and bathing 
in this camp of 250 persons was provided 
by two outdoor cold water faucets. Some 
camps of similar size have only one faucet. 

Naturally, most of the camps are dirty, 
for extreme overcrowding, little or no camp 
supervision, insufficient equipment, inade- 
quate screening, and poor ventilation pro- 
vide little incentive to cleanliness. Garbage 
and papers are strewn about the grounds 
and in the hallways. In the sleeping quar- 
ters, the bedding sometimes no more than 
a cloth thrown over a bundle of straw is 
filthy. Flies and other insects are abundant, 
both inside and out. At one camp last sum- 
mer, a tenant maintained that the moldy 
orange peels and melon rinds lying about 
the place had been there when she arrived 
on the day the camp opened and were evi- 
dently left from the year before. 

To make matters worse, in many of the 
camps unsanitary privies, situated close to 
the sleeping quarters, are rarely cleaned out 
or equipped with disinfectants. Even these 
"conveniences" are often not available in 
sufficient numbers and sometimes there is 
only one for both sexes. At one celery farm 
last summer the one privy provided for 
thirty-eight migrants became so offensive 
that they refused to use it and took to the 
nearby woods. 

Something Besides Work 

One recent improvement in some farm 
labor camps has been the inauguration of 
centers for the . day care of children con- 
sidered even by the farmers and parents as 
too young to pick. [See "Care for Migrants' 
Children," by Mebane Hunt Martensen, 
Survey Midmonthly, May 1944.] The cen- 
ters are operated by the New York State 
Migrant Committee, a joint committee of 
the Home Missions Council of North 
America and the New York State Council 
of Churches, largely with federal funds se- 


cured under the Lanham act through the 
child care committee of the State War 
Council. Not all camp operators have been 
interested in this form of "pampering," 
since the camp must put up part of the 
money when a nursery is established. Last 
summer, out of nearly 400 farm labor camps 
in the state only nineteen had such centers. 

A few centers are well equipped for good 
child care programs, but others are hardly 
more than makeshift arrangements. How- 
ever, all have an adult in attendance to 
supervise tots who would otherwise be left 
to run wild all day, or be taken along to 
the fields. In addition to child care, the 
centers usually provide the setting for a 
weekly medical clinic. 

Since few of the camps provide board, 
nearby shopping facilities are important to 
the occupants. What they find is usually no 
more than a roadside stand, selling only 
kerosene, bread, canned vegetables, soda 
pop, and smoked meats. Operated by a con- 
cessionaire or occasionally by a representa- 
tive of the contractor or grower, these stands 
sometimes embody all the evils of a "com- 
pany store." 

Since pickers are human, in their few 
waking hours away from the fields they 
naturally seek entertainment. In many 
camps gambling becomes the big diversion, 
for there is nothing else to do. Only in the 
few camps where the child care centers are 
equipped with juke boxes for evening 
dances has there been any attempt to pro- 
vide recreational facilities. 

The camps are usually too far from town 
for the migrants to be able to go to a movie 
or even to church. When the pickers are 
within walking distance of town, too fre- 
quently they find a frigid welcome on the 
part of a community which regards them as 
disease-ridden and dirty. 

The Home Missions Council alone at- 
tempts to bring something besides work into 
the migrants' lives, sending clergymen into 
a few of the camps to conduct religious 
services and occasionally also to promote 
wholesome recreational activities. Though 
in the latter task the lack of facilities has 
presented an almost insurmountable barrier, 
the young missionaries have made a little 
headway in the promotion of baseball games 
and other sports. 

Health Is a Problem 

In most camps, there seems to be a gen- 
eral assumption that "the boss will git the 
doctor" if anyone falls sick, but at one camp 
last summer the investigator found a six- 
teen-year-old boy who had been in bed for 
three days without a doctor having been 
called. Only those camps with child care 
centers have weekly medical clinics with a 
doctor or a county nurse in attendance. The 
doors of local hospitals are shut to migrants 
as "non-residents," except in cases of emer- 

That virulent epidemics do not sweep 
through the migrant camps periodically, 
taking a heavy toll of lives and spreading 
to the surrounding community, is perhaps 
due to the alertness of county health officers 
to whom every case of the more obvious 
contagious diseases, such as smallpox, scar- 
let fever, or typhoid, must be reported. The 

A barn-like camp community "kitchen" crude equipment and wood-burning stove 

somewhat miraculous escape from such 
scourges may also be attributed in part to 
the state health department's insistence on 
periodic water testing within the camps 
the one regulation of the state sanitary code 
that seems to be strictly enforced. 

It is doubtful, however, whether the 
migrants are escaping the ravages of the 
more subtle and insidious contagious dis- 
eases such as tuberculosis and the vene- 
real infections diseases that spread rapidly 
from victim to victim, but do their maiming 
and killing slowly, so that what is in reality 
an epidemic remains unnoticed. True, the 
state sanitary code prohibits the admission 
to the camps of persons "capable of trans- 
mitting a communicable disease," but such 
a prohibition can hardly be expected to be 
effective without provision for pre-entry 
physical examinations. The extreme over- 
crowding under which the migrants live is, 
of course, the most favorable climate that 
could be provided for the spread of such in- 

The Tolari committee, in its report pub- 
lished four years ago, revealed that the "con- 
stant characteristics of the disadvantages of 
migrancy," wherever it existed, were poor 
housing, overcrowding, lack of sanitation, 
poor water supply, "absence of ordinary 
facilities," non-enforcement of school at- 
tendance laws, discrimination against mi- 
grant children within schools, child labor, 
and exclusion from normal community life. 
That was in 1941 but, in spite of war pros- 
perity, conditions in farm labor camps are 
unchanged at least in New York State. 

By Way of Contrast 

Yet while American migrant families con- 
tinue to live under such disadvantages, farm 
workers imported to this country from 
Jamaica and the Bahamas, because of the 
wartime labor shortage, are provided with 
good living arrangements. Brought in under 
international contracts, these imported pick- 

ers command at least the same wages as 
our native migrants (or often better) but 
with safeguards denied the latter a guar- 
antee of work for 75 percent of the time 
covered by their contracts, and $3 a day 
for each day they are unemployed. In addi- 
tion, they are provided with full dental and 
medical care by the federal government. 
Since their contracts specify standards of 
living arrangements, most of them are 
housed in places that put the ordinary farm 
labor camps to shame. 

For instance, a former CCC camp near 
Ithaca, N. Y., last summer housed 125 
men from the Bahamas. Its stained and 
painted wooden barracks are grouped 
around a central lawn. Other buildings con- 
tain a well equipped kitchen and dining 
room (where board was provided for $8 a 
week); sanitary showers, lavatories, and 
toilet facilities; a recreation hall with a 
piano, two billiard tables, and a small stage. 

The provision of living quarters is, of 
course, a more complex problem when 
whole families are involved. Never- 
theless, here and there a forward looking 
farm operator, interested in helping his 
pickers, has proved that decent family 
camps can be achieved. For example, the 
manager of a large New York hop farm, 
besides establishing a wage inducement of 
10 cents an hour extra for every worker 
who stays the entire season, has set up a 
camp which must seem luxurious to mi- 
grants who have long followed the crops. 

Attached cabins are equipped with run- 
ning water, electric hot plates, comfortable 
double-decker beds, and a heat blowing ar- 
rangement for damp, cold weather. Two 
shower houses of eight units each have hot 
and cold water, as does an indoor laundry 
with four tubs. A cafeteria offers appetizing 
food at reasonable prices. A child care center 
is located in a new building, adequately 
screened and provided with hot and cold 
(Continued on page 30) 




Looking in on the Germans 

there is no difference between Hitler's party 
and the German masses; that their aspira- 
tions coincide to such an extent that the less 
violent Germans are willing to accept Nazi 
ruthlessness as the price of victory. Numer- 
ous agencies, official and nonofficial, are try- 
ing to determine what methods shall be 
used to suppress this aggressiveness and 
make the German a tractable world citizen, 
but few are trying to find out what makes 
the German behave as he does today. 

There are a few contemporary documents 
that give a picture of this German of today. 
Oddly enough, the most sympathetic is 
drawn by a Pole, a prisoner of war who 
was employed as a farm laborer in Ger- 
many. Here "sympathetic" is a relative 
term. The author does not express friendly 
sentiments, but he understands human 
nature so well that he can see how German 
peasants are themselves prisoners of their 
traditional attitudes, their readiness to take 
orders without question, and their ability 
to make workhorses of themselves. 

Stolid Peasants 

Alexander Janta, who draws this portrait 
in "I Lied to Live: A Year as a German 
Family Slave" (Roy Publishers; $2.75), was 
better equipped than American correspon- 
dents to get close to the German peasant. 
As a Polish journalist he had been in close 
touch with Germans, and he had had wide 
experience with other nations. A volunteer 
in the French army, he was taken prisoner 
at the collapse of France. He and another 
Pole agreed to pass themselves off as French, 
in order to get better treatment and possibly 
the chance to escape. His friend confessed 
his nationality and was shot. Mr. Janta, 
though he was thrown with two Polish 
peasants in his farm work, had to pretend 
ignorance of his native tongue to carry out 
his plans. 

The reader will find this one of the most 
valuable books on "inside Germany" that 
has come out of the war. It concerns itself 
less with officials than with plain human 
beings. In certain of their dealings, these 
people were what the German peasant has 
been for many generations; in others they 
had been warped by the Nazi regime. 

The Schnabel family, on whose farm Mr. 
Janta worked, consisted of the browbeating 
head (an Oberfeldwebel of cavalry in the 
first World War), his drudge of a wife, an 
arrogant son, and "Granny," who, like 
many elderly German women, was appre- 
hensive of the future. Their driving power 
tired out the help, but the Germans worked 
equally hard. They read from the gospels 
every Sunday and "found it easy, by quot- 
ing from the Bible, to justify more than 
one of their deeds." 

(All boo\s 


The two Polish peasants had been taken 
from their homes and forced to do farm 
work, but Mrs. Schnabel "always insisted, 
as though trying to foothe a not quite pure 
conscience, that her Poles were 'volunteers' 
from Poland." The Schnabels had to make 
some payment for their workers to the 
central camp administration and the labor- 
ers were allowed a pittance to spend at 
certain shops. Poles were treated as an in- 
ferior people, and many German farmers, 
having understood that they lived in filth, 
were surprised to find them industrious and 
scrupulously clean. Some attributed this 
cleanliness to German influence. 

When the laborers tried to buy a few 
bare necessities "the German looked the 
other way and sometimes even gave them 
hints where they could get things cheapest. 
If they worked, they let them do what they 
liked outside of working hours." The Ger- 
man guards were corruptible by small gifts 
and once they had succumbed they were 
exploited by the prisoners. 

The natural expressiveness of the Polish 
girl offended the Schnabel family. The 
prisoners ate with them, although this was 
against regulations, because Mrs. Schnabel 
was unwilling to have the extra work of 
two tables. The Germans "wore a stiff and 
rather tight-fitting mask of conventional be- 
havior and adhered to it strictly, as though 
they were ashamed of possessing such things 
as human feelings." Readers will recognize 
this as a universal German trait, the other 
side of that excessive sentimentality, nos- 
talgia, and Wehmut also characteristic of 
the German nature. 

The German peasants whom Mr. Janta 
saw had not changed much with the years. 
Their pride in German victories, their 
horror of Frenchwomen who painted their 
faces, their willingness to cheat the govern- 
ment, were traits observed during the first 
World War. The age-old fear of Russia was 
shown when Russia and Germany went to 
war; the Schnabels were unsettled, Granny 
kept repeating, "This will be dreadful!" 
and Schnabel became cooperative, until 
Hitler's victories again restored his con- 
fidence and arrogance. 

This is an old story, but it has meaning 
for us. It indicates that when Germany is 
defeated these peasants will remain the 
dogged workhorses of the soil, shrugging 
off political events. (From the evidence in 
this book I doubt that the German under- 
ground will be able to recruit many peasants 
for a dangerous secret war.) Mr. Janta's 
account which has many other valuable 
facets, notably its description of how pris- 
oners get along among themselves and how 
their isolation weighs upon their spirits 
leads me to believe that the stolid German 
peasant will remain what he was and, in 
ordered through Survey Associates, Inc., will 

consequence, will make less trouble for the 
Allied administration than the strongly 
nationalistic groups of the cities. 

Conquerors in Poland 

In Poland, the Germans took their gloves 
off and wore brass knuckles. They pillaged, 
burned, and murdered. Jan Karski, member 
of the Polish underground, now working 
with the Polish government in London, 
saw members of the Hitler Jugend walk 
into the newly created ghetto of Warsaw, 
take pot shots at windows, and laugh loudly 
when a yell of pain resulted. He went to 
Belzec, 100 miles east of Warsaw, put on 
the Estonian uniform and witnessed the 
death ride of many Jews who were thrust 
into freight cars filled with quicklime and 
taken to a lonely spot many miles away. 
He writes this without dramatic emphasis 
in his "Story of a Secret State" (Houghton, 
Mifflin; $3). It is not the sort of thing one 
expects to find told dispassionately, but Mr. 
Karski may have seen too much to be in- 
terested in anything but the plain facts. 

He describes how the various groups of 
the Polish underground carried out orders 
without knowing who the members were. 
He explains the rigid discipline, which per- 
mitted no cooperation with the Nazis and 
thus made a puppet government impossible. 
He was present when the underground "ex- 
ecuted" a traitor. The Poles had a tradition 
of conspiratorial action from the Tsarist 
days and the underground had the support 
of the patriotic. They seem to have taken 
inordinate risks. Mr. Karski speaks of a 
woman who "subscribed to the secret press 
and did the normal things that were de- 
manded of her," living in fear that the 
secret newspaper might be found in her 
purse when she was with the German civil 
officer billeted in her house. 

A woman worker of the underground 
defended those Polish women who ac- 
cepted the attentions of Germans in order 
to live, explaining that "an unfortunate, 
average woman who wants to live through 
the war and wait for her husband" had no 
alternative. Others were made of sterner 
stuff; they suffered terrible torture for their 
opposition to the Germans, and they died. 
It may be said that a nation survives by 
both the inspiration of its heroines and 
the dogged clutch on life of its stolid 
women who must become the mothers of 
the next generation. 

In Hitlerland 

While Mr. Karski does not add much to 
what we already know of the Nazis, Jose 
Antonio de Aguirre, one-time president of 
the Basque republic, has several contribu- 
tions to make in his personal memoir, 
"Escape via Berlin." (Macmillan; $3). The 
be postpaid) 

Basques have a long tradition of liberty and 
were given a measure of self-government by 
the republic of Spain. When that govern- 
ment fell, Mr. Aguirre became a fugitive 
with a price on his head. 

With the greatest self-confidence he wan- 
dered in and out of the German lines as a 
Dr. Alvarez, finally going to Berlin itself 
in order to get papers to leave the country 
with his family. It is true that he did not 
rely wholly on his wits, as did some of 
the escaped prisoners who went through 
Berlin. He had the help of Central Amer- 
ican diplomats, who furthered his disguise 
and his passage. Because of the well known 
respect of German officials for documents 
bearing seals (the more seals the better), 
Mr. Aguirre had an easier time than most. 

Aside from the adventure of hoodwink- 
ing and escaping the Germans, Mr. Aguirre 
tells us more about the Basques and his own 
point of view than about the Germans. He 
is convinced that Hitler's regime is not 
bourgeois. He believes that the advocates 
of freedom must arrive with superior force, 
so that the German can see that liberty can 
crush totalitarian doctrines. 

The final half of the book reveals how 
the Basque diplomat and political leader, 
now a lecturer in history at Columbia Uni- 
versity, sees the democracy of the future. 
Firmly devoted to individual liberty, Mr. 
Aguirre is opposed to totalitarianism be- 
cause it has no confidence in human beings 
as individuals but uses them for the pur- 
poses of the state or the ambitions of those 
who control. He is not wholly sure that 
"the parliamentary system" is needed in a 
democracy, but he does insist that demo- 
cratic government means a representative 
government, in which the "free and legi- 
timate will of the people" can be expressed. 
He mentions the knotty problem of "parlia- 
mentary institutions which mistook the 
tyranny of the majority for democracy." The 
freedom of vote unhindered and freedom 
of worship are in Mr. Aguirre's charter. 

Of value to us is his comment on Spanish 
Americanism or Latin Americanism. "His- 
panidad," he says, is the spirit of violence 
and dictatorship, usually called "law and 
order" by its adherents. Because of the 
bridge between South America and Spain, 
a dictatorship in Spain influences Latin 
America and affects it unfavorably. Mr. 
Aguirre feels that perpetuation of the 
Franco government is a danger to the 
United States and the Atlantic Charter, no 
less than to the republican elements in 
Spain, to which the Basques belong. 

THE WILSON ERA: Years of Peace 1910- 
1917, by Josephus Daniels. University of 
North Carolina Press. $4. 


entertaining books ever written about the 
rise of Woodrow Wilson and his early 
years in the White House. It is a good 
natured, talkative, slightly rambling book 
with humor in it, and sadness and good 
stories of people. 

You do not exactly read it. You listen 
to Josephus Daniels as he tells it to you. 
And from time to time his round, smiling 
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plete history of the period, but it is far 
more than a book of memoirs. Here is a 
shrewd, human, liberal man, a man of 
ability and of integrity, telling a part of 
his life story, and making a mighty good 
story out of it. It will be useful to his- 
torians of the period because it contains 
much new material, many new stories, 
anecdotes, quotes, and explanations of 
things never before explained. But perhaps 
more important even than that, it is a re- 
markably absorbing picture of how Amer- 
ica got this way. ALDEN STEVENS 
Co-author oj "Victory Without Peace" 

EDWARD BELLAMY, a Biography, by Ar- 
thur E. Morgan. Columbia University Press. 

as the author of the modern world's most 
fascinating, effective, and widely read Uto- 
pian novel, "Looking Backward" and, per- 
haps, of his less popular but more scientific 
treatise, "Equality." 

When, more than a decade ago, Arthur 
E. Morgan, then president of Antioch Col- 
lege and chairman of the Tennessee Valley 
Authority, was asked to write Bellamy's 
biography, he consented in the belief that 
the distinguished American Utopian had 
been a man of only one interest, that of 
conceiving and expounding social Utopias, 
and that an adequate biography could be 
written as a literary diversion in a few 
months of leisure time. 

No sooner, however, had Mr. Morgan be- 
gun his task than he began to arrive at the 
conclusion that Bellamy was "not just a 
Utopian," but "one of the most ranging 
and penetrating minds" America had pro- 
duced a man of many interests, an in- 
tellectual contributor to many causes. At 
this discovery, Mr. Morgan started in his 
spare time, with the aid of competent as- 
sistants, an exhaustive study of Bellamy's 
life, collected and analyzed the scores of 
manuscripts and notes of Bellamy still left 
intact, interviewed the writer's relatives and 
many of his friends and followers, and, 
eleven years later, produced the first and 
only definitive biography of the great 

The book begins with an appraisal of 
the widespread influence of "Looking Back- 
ward" on leaders of modern thought and 
action, brings to light many intensely inter- 
esting and important facts regarding Bel- 
lamy as a rebel against conventional tradi- 
tions and environments, a leader of the Na- 
tionalist movement, breadwinner and 
father, psychologist, eugenist, economist, 
lover of nature. Mr. Morgan maintains that 
in psychology Bellamy was inherently as 
significant as Freud, that in eugenics he 
antedated present day accepted principles by 
half a century, that in political economy he 
was a creative genius, that as a nature lover 
he ranked with Thoreau and as a philoso- 
pher, with Emerson. Had Bellamy posses- 
sed a vigorous physique and had he lived 
to a riper age he died at the early age of 
forty-eight Mr. Morgan believes that he 
would have been widely acclaimed for his 
talents along many of these lines. 

Some critics of Bellamy in the past have 
contended that he had no deep social con- 

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victions before he began to write his 
Utopian novel, but that these convictions 
were developed during the process of writ- 

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ing. Mr. Morgan challenges this point of high, and feverish private investment after 
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bear that the development of his social 
ideals including that of equality began 
when Bellamy was in his early teens. 

The biographer describes Bellamy's activ- 
ities and writings with sympathy, under- 
standing, and ardent admiration, and de- 
fends him against many of the accusations, 
among them that of plagiarism, which have 
been brought against him. On the other 
hand, he does not hesitate to criticize 
Bellamy's errors of judgment in anticipating 
the realization of his dream within a com- 
paratively few years, and in urging a too 
simplified, too all-embracing regimented 
and centralized collectivism as the goal of 
social progress. Throughout, the biographer 
gives the reader the advantage of his own 
rich experience and considered thinking on 
vital social problems. 

While the book would have been more 
readable had some of the large number of 
quotations been omitted and repetitious 
statements avoided, and while the reader 
might not follow the biographer's appraisals 
of Bellamy's contributions in certain fields 
of endeavor, the American public owes a 
debt of gratitude to Mr. Morgan for writ- 
ing so authoritative, complete, valuable, and 
absorbing a biography of one of America's 
foremost seers and prophets. It is to be 
hoped that this book will stimulate a re- 
newed interest in Bellamy's works and in 
many of the ideals of a better life which 
he so ardently espoused. 
Executive Director HARRY W. LAIDLER 
League for Industrial Democracy 


Hansen and Harvey S. Perloff. Norton. 


the interrelationships between federal, state, 
and local governmental financial operations, 
and their proper adjustment to changes in 
private economic activity after the war. At- 
tempt is made to show that "only where 
the higher levels of government played a 
role vigorously and efficiently are condi- 
tions created under which subordinate units 
of government can effectively carry out the 
functions appropriate to them." 

Suggestions are incorporated for the 
modernization of state and local govern- 
ment and their fiscal basis, needed to meet 
the requirements of an expanded economy. 
Special emphasis is placed on the need for 
development of resources on a regional 
basis and redevelopment of urban areas. 
The federal government, it is said, should 
undertake to maintain minimum standards 
of social services on a greatly extended 
scale, either by taking over completely some 
state and local functions or by providing 
more grants-in-aid. A compensatory fiscal 
policy should be followed not only by the 
federal government but, under the latter's 
leadership, in a limited way also by state 
and local governments. 

mated at $4 billion a year at the low point, 
and at $23 billion at the peak point. The 
national income at these points is forecast 
at $125 and $150 billion respectively. The 
federal budget is anticipated in one case 
to rise to $29 billion and have a deficit of 
$10 billion; and in the other case, to drop 
to $22 billion and to produce a surplus of 
$5 billion. It is believed that main reliance 
in federal postwar financing should be 
placed on the personal income tax in which 
substantial abatements should be allowed 
for invested income. The federal corpora- 

tion tax should be converted primarily into 
an income tax on stockholders collected at 
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drastically their business taxes, and repeal 
their general sales taxes. State and local 
borrowing should be maintained at a level 
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ines. It tends to overemphasize, however, 
he need for an expansion of federal grants- 
n-aid after the war and, on the other hand, 
o underemphasize the possibilities for the 
expansion of activities of state and local 
jovernments on a foundation of their own 
resources. The title of the book is a mis- 
nomer. The book deals as much with 
ederal as with state and local finance in 
he national economy. PAUL STUDENSKI 
Department of Economics 
New Yor/^ University 

BUREAUCRACY: A Challenge to Better 
Management, by J. M. Juran. Harper. $2. 

ited by George A. Graham and Henry 
Reining, Jr. Wiley. #2.75. 

with restraint, understanding, humor, and 
ntelligence. The author, an industrial man- 
agement engineer doing his war stint as an 
assistant administrator in the Lend-Lease 
Administration, offers the sober judgment 
that "the utilization of scientific principles 
of management in government to the same 
extent as it is today practiced in progressive 
ndustry could cut the [federal] govern- 
ment population in half, and this while 
performing all the present functions with 
at least present effectiveness." 

Mr. Juran differs from those who (espe- 
cially in a campaign year) demand the use 
of the meat axe in two vital respects: as a 
management engineer, he is not trying to 
eliminate regulation or control in the name 
of "economy"; and he sees that the problem 
is one of years, "even under the best con- 
ditions." It is a "vibrant and delicate myth" 
that "it is in the hollow of the President's 
hand to remedy all this." The President 
has already "most emphatically issued" the 
desired edict; but the order cannot be 
carried out, "because the management 
maturity of the federal government is in- 
adequate to the task." 

Any welfare official caught in the toils 
of the audit of travel vouchers or the 
rigidities of a civil service system will 
chuckle over Mr. Juran's sprightly writing; 
it is refreshing to look at these mechanisms 
that seem to have God-given eternal verity 
with the fresh eye of a skilled management 
man. Mr. Juran sees, of course, how often 
the problems parallel those of large scale 
corporate enterprise; it is his saving grace 
to recognize, on the other hand, the special 
environment of the public servant. "Life in 
a Goldfish Bowl," "The One-Way Street 
of Criticism" (some of his lively headings) 
are forces that make the problems different. 
This book is highly recommended. 

In his introductory essay to "Regula- 
tory Administration," the senior editor ex- 
plains that "viewed broadly, regulation is 
the process of getting people to follow a 
line of conduct that is in accord with 
public policy." In a chapter full of shrewd 
insight, Mr. Graham casts his eye over the 
whole field of human conduct and deals 
pithily with the elements "especially useful 
in making an appraisal" of the regulatory 

First, what is the problem? "As long as 
the 'miasmic' vapors of the malarial regions 
were thought to produce disease, the public 
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got nowhere in controlling malaria." A 
new problem, says Graham in his salty 
way, "means controversy if it is at all seri- 
ous. Tinkering with the hive produces an 
inevitable buzzing." 

Second, what are the objectives? Regu- 
lating milk to assure purity is one thing; 
regulating its price is quite something else 
again. If the legislature doesn't know what 
it wants achieved, it is useless to expect 
the administrator to spell it out clearly. 

Third, what is the authority? "In no 
country in the world does official position 
carry less inherent power than in the 
United States." 

Who, then, is to be regulated? What is 
to be the timing? And what is the appeal: 
"Perhaps the easiest way to misunderstand 
regulation is to fail to appreciate the wide 
variety of methods by which consent may 
be sought." 

It was clearly the intention of the editors 
that each of the collaborators would take a 
field of regulation and deal with these 
sophisticated questions. Each collaborator is 
the best in his field: Colonel O. W. Wilson 
on police; Dr. Gaylord Anderson on public 
health; Dean William E. Mosher on public 
utilities; Wilbur La Roe, Jr., on railroads. 
But only Mr. Reining, the co-editor, in his 
essay on state labor law administration has 
caught fully the intent. The others have 
produced solid, comprehensive accounts of 
the development of regulation in their 
fields, but they have addressed themselves 
only obliquely to Mr. Graham's questions. 
Each chapter is worthwhile; but they do 
not add up to the study in comparative 
administration that the editors dreamed of 
a decade ago. There is a rather special 
chapter by Prof. Leon Marshall analyzing 
the "location and utilization of authority" 
in the division of review of NRA: it is by 
way of an extended footnote. 

Regional Representative 
National Housing Agency, New Yorf^ City 

IN 1945 



QTotoarb J!en 




(Continued from page 18) 

structed under the act prior to the war- 
time cessation of normal construction ac- 
tivity; 7891 more contracted for with local, 
county, and regional housing authorities 
are temporarily in a state of suspension. 
Both federal agency and local authorities 
had to strain their resources and ingenuity 
to the utmost to produce a contract, a 
procedure, and regulations which made even 
this small beginning possible. 

Thus, experience shows conclusively that 
housing legislation must frankly recognize 
the distinctive differences between an ur- 
ban and a rural program. The feasibility 
of "equivalent elimination" in a rural pro- 
gram must be considered the provision in 
the present Housing Act which requires 
that for every dwelling unit built in a 
public housing project one in a slum area 
must be demolished. The probability of 
prospective purchase as against rent of 
homes in rural areas; the limited pos- 
sibilities of local contribution and the need 
for a different computation of the annual 
federal contribution; the intimate relation- 
ship between the house as a dwelling unit 
and the farm as a production unit and 
source of family income all these matters 
must be faced. 

Studies have been made of the living 
habits in rural areas and their special re- 
lationship to the design of a rural dwelling. 
Studies also have been made of the func- 
tion of the dwelling house in the economic 
and social patterns of the farm. The re- 
sults of such studies should be reflected in 
legislation, if it is to be sufficiently realis- 
tic to enable rural communities and farms 
to participate on an equal basis with the 
urban centers in a national housing pro- 

Housing Minority Groups 

Another problem which must be grap- 
pled with realistically in the postwar period 
is that of providing adequate housing for 
minority groups. Behind any neat blue- 
print of a well-housed country are human 
complexes that cannot be overlooked. In 
1940, one in every four urban houses oc- 
cupied by whites was substandard. In the 
case of non-whites, two out of every three 
houses were substandard. But if we are to 
house America adequately, we must include 
housing for our large number of Negroes 
and of other numerically smaller minority 

The problem would be relatively simple 
if it were only a matter of providing, 
through subsidies for public housing or 
the necessary aids to private capital, the 
accommodations needed by our minority 
population. Under the relatively limited 
program of low rent housing under the 
U. S. Housing Act up to the outbreak of 
the war, the housing needs of Negroes 
were being recognized. Of the 105,000 
housing units built under the public pro- 
gram, about a third (38,600) were for Ne- 

gram 7,600 additional family homes had 
been provided. 

But the minority housing problem is not 
one of buildings alone. More than anything 
else it is a matter of finding space in which 
to put the buildings. Large groups of 
these people are being forced to live in 
tight pockets of slum areas where they in- 
crease at their own peril; they are denied 
the opportunity to spread out into new areas 
in the search for decent living. 

The opening of new areas of living to 
all minority groups is a community prob- 
lem. And it is one of national concern. 
It is a problem that each community must 
consider and explore for possible solutions. 
Plans for community development should 
be studied and re-studied to include ade- 
quate provision in space for all groups. 
Further, where tenants are displaced to 
make way for a new development, whether 
residential, industrial or commercial, other 
space in which they can live must be found. 
This is particularly important in the case 
of minority groups, for displaced tenants 
must not be dumped on top of an already 
overcrowded, rimmed-in quarter of town. 

Matters for Congress 

In developing our public housing pro- 
gram horizontally, as already suggested, 
certain imperfections of our present pro- 
gram must be recognized and corrected. 
The real answer to many vital problems 
must come from the Congress with whom 
the duty and the responsibility rests. 

First of all, it should be made clear that 
further expansion of the low rent housing 
program is a matter solely for congressional 
determination and that it depends entirely 
upon additional authorization for subsidies. 
The annual subsidy of $28,000,000 max- 
imum, authorized in the U. S. Housing Act 
of 1937, will be fully absorbed by pres- 
ent commitments. 

Apart from the need for congressional 
action to provide funds for subsidies, how- 
ever, experience indicates that the opera- 
tion of the low rent program can be sub- 
stantially improved if certain revisions to 
the Housing Act are made. 

For example, the act now provides for 
use of federal funds to finance up to 90 
percent of the capital cost of low rent hous- 
ing projects. As a matter of fact, however, 
local housing authorities have been able 
to obtain from private sources much more 
than the remaining 10 percent of their cap- 
ital financing. Some authorities already 
are getting as much as 85 percent of their 
money from private investors. I am con- 
fident that with certain amendments to 
the Housing Act, local authorities could 
borrow 100 percent of their capital funds 
direct from private sources. If this were 
done, government funds for permanent cap- 
ital financing would be largely unnecessary. 

A second change that should be made 
in the law is to reduce from 60 to 45 years 
the period during which the federal gov- 
ernment is committed to pay annual cash 

From these two changes could flow a 
number of improvements in the program 
which would reduce the ultimnrr financial 
(Continued on page 30) 

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(Continued from page 29) 

cost to the government and at the same time 
expand the participation of private capital 
in public housing. 

Matters of Operation 

Besides these improvements dependent 
upon congressional action, much could be 
done to advance the housing program 
through improving the administrative 
process itself within the framework of the 
present legislation. The attitude and policy 
of the federal agency and the local public 
bodies engaged in this effort are perhaps 
as important as perfecting legislation. 
Above all, a public housing program must 
arise from the communities and not be im- 
posed upon them by a central agency. The 
principle of the U. S. Housing Act, by 
which the federal government becomes 
merely the helpmate and fiduciary while 
the local public body is the active initiator, 
developer, and manager is sound and im- 

In the Thirties, local housing authorities 
were immature and understaffed; they re- 
quired a certain amount of paternalism. 
Today, however, with several years of ex- 
perience behind them, the authorities are 
prepared to accept their full responsibilities, 
a situation which must be recognized both 
by them and by the federal agency through 
the adoption of an appropriate attitude and 
administrative policy. 

The federal agency has two broad pur- 
poses. One is to discharge its legal and 
business responsibility under the law as 
enacted by the Congress. This first re- 
sponsibility of the agency is to present to 
the localities a forthright, concise statement 
of the basic conditions under which they 
may do business with the federal govern- 
ment through the Federal Public Housing 
Authority. To illustrate: the government 
is concerned with regard to cost and mini- 
mum standards in the design of a project, 
for it is the intent of the law that financial 
assistance shall be rendered only where 
housing is to be of a decent standard and 
falls in the low cost category. 
Aside from meeting such requirements, 
it is for local housing authorities to de- 
termine less basic questions whether, for 
instance, there shall be a porch or a breeze- 
way, a pitched or a flat roof, inside tile 
or plaster, or any other specific feature 
adapted to local needs or preference. 

The federal agency's responsibility does 
not end, however, when it puts into force 
what the law requires. It also has an 
obligation of service to the authorities and 
to the communities. Implicit here is the 
obligation to display leadership in devising 
methods for improvements in design, man- 
agement, operations, administrative proces- 
ses, and lowering of costs. The Federal Pub- 
lic Housing Authority is indeed a veritable 
storehouse of experience in one of the great- 
est experiments in housing history. To syn- 
thesize that experience and to make it 
available for the guidance of local authori- 
ties is one of its major tasks. 

As a corollary to these functions of a 
federal agency, the local public housing 
body must develop certain essential char- 
acteristics and attitudes. Indeed, in this 

group, more than in any other place in 
the chain of operations, must rest the vital 
spark of initiative and accomplishment, the 
understanding of the basic problem and 
the ability to tackle it soundly, steadfastly, 
and resourcefully. 

It must be a local body in the real sense 
of the word, responsible to the community 
and not to a federal agency, an integral 
part of the stream of community life. It 
must offer leadership for those less able to 
speak for their own necessities and must 
work with other leadership that seeks better 
housing for all. Finally, it must be a dy- 
namic force unwilling to rest until the solu- 
tion of housing for low income families has 
been applied all across the board. 

No one can foresee the destiny of the 
public housing program in the immediate 
future. It would be foolhardy to ignore 
the existence of well-intentioned opposition 
or the presence of selfish, uninformed, 
and reckless critics. But good housing must 
cease to be regarded as a national luxury. 
It is inconceivable that this country will 
continue to subscribe to the doctrine of 
scarcity in the second most important neces- 
sity of man's life. 

The acceptance of the view that good 
housing is a scarce commodity to be ra- 
tioned on a high-dollar market inevitably 
implies that the nation can afford the price 
of all the ills that center around slums 
and blight. America, strong and indomit- 
able though she seems, cannot continue to 
permit the ebbing of its strength through 
the airless, lightless coops of her slums. 


(Continued from page 23) 

running water, cooking facilities, and a 
juke box for evening entertainment. Three 
paid supervisors see that the camp is kept 
in order. There are tightly lidded refuse 
barrels before each cabin. 

There Are Laws . . . 

The deplorable conditions under which 
most migrant farm workers live in New 
York cannot be blamed entirely on the 
lack of legislation. There are state laws 
many of them which apply to mi- 
grants as well as others. Under them, 
no camp is supposed to operate without 
a permit from the local health authority, 
the issuance depending upon compliance 
with the state sanitary code. Yet camp 
after camp contains flagrant violations of 
the code overcrowding, inadequate ven- 
tilation, lack of fire exits, cooking arrange- 
ments in sleeping quarters, lack of kitchen 
screening, filthy privies, absence of recep- 
tacles for garbage disposal, and in some 
instances location of buildings on surfaces 
preventing adequate drainage. Temporary 
permits, issued to allow a period for the 
correction of violations, provide the loop- 
hole unfortunately they are renewable, 
apparently indefinitely. 

New York State law also prohibits the 
farm employment of children under four- 
teen, except on their own families' farms, 
and requires work permits of those between 
fourteen and sixteen so employed. But 

most children harvesting New York's 
crops never heard of working papers, nor 
did their parents. The grower or con- 
tractor, who needs all the hands he can 
get, does not go out of his way to inform 
them, since he does not care to risk losing 
all of his youngest pickers. 

Another law prohibits an auto truck with 
twenty or more passengers from going 
farther than ten miles with more than 
a third of the occupants standing; with- 
out suitable seats securely attached 
to the body; without side racks at least 
three feet in height above the floor; with- 
out a tailboard or tail gate that is securely 
closed. But the truck in the Binghamton 
accident, though carrying thirty-seven per- 
sons a distance of more than a hundred 
miles, had no tailboard and no benches. 
Such amenities are rarely supplied in the 
trucks that do the daily hauling to and 
from the fields, and sometimes not even 
in trucks that bring families all the way 
from Florida. Said one driver who hauled 
a "load of pickers" more than 1,100 miles 
from the South to New York: "They pre- 
fer to sit on their suitcases." 

Attitudes Must Change 

Obviously, one way to improve condi- 
tions among the migrant families, with- 
out whom much of New York's abundant 
farm produce would go to waste, is to en- 
force existing legislation. This is the first 
step in a platform prepared by the New 
York Consumers League as a result of its 
investigation. The war emergency, the 
league maintains, is hardly an excuse for 
violating laws which were flagrantly ignored 
long before the war, and probably will 
continue to be ignored after the war un- 
less definite steps are taken to impose recog- 
nition of their existence. As a corollary 
to this recommendation, the league urges 
the elimination of their practice of issuing 
temporary permits to the camps. 

Strict law enforcement, however, the 
league insists, must be accompanied by 
other more positive activities if appreciable 
improvements are to be achieved. Among 
these, the league recommends additional 
legislation to bring agricultural workers 
in under the protection of the state Mini- 
mum Wage Law and under the Work- 
men's Compensation Act. Though wages 
are not now the problem they were be- 
fore the war, there is nothing to prevent 
them from falling back to below subsistence 
levels as soon as the manpower shortage is 

Pointing out that the whole problem 
of insecurity among migrants is tied up 
with the fact that they have no way of 
holding the farm operators or padrones 
to their promises, either in regard to wages 
or living conditions, the league recom- 
mends the regulation of labor contractors 
through a system of state licensing, which 
would require the use of written contracts 
between padrone and worker. This would 
extend to our native farm workers some 
of the security now being enjoyed by the 
imported Jamaicans and Bahamans. 

But unless the prevailing attitudes among 
most farmers and their town neighbors 
toward the men, women, and children, 


who each year are drawn into the state 
to gather the yield of a generous soil, 
can be transformed into friendliness and a 
positive interest, law enforcement will at 
sest be sporadic and new legislation will 
DC of little avail. On this theory the league 
is girding itself to undertake an intensive 
public education program in the farm areas 
of the state. It has been encouraged to 
find alert groups in scattered areas of the 
state who are already working on this prob- 

When the realization begins to dawn, in 
Bouckville and Poolville and a host of other 
communities, that crops are gathered not by 
"pickers" but by people who feel hunger, 
who think, tire, love, fear, hope, and de- 
spair, then a force will be generated that 
will begin to stretch democracy's tent ropes 
to take in these long excluded outsiders. 


(Continued from page 14) 

some ideas thrown out to get us started. 
A preliminary draft prepared by the steer- 
ing committee is now before you. Each 
delegate has his copy. Your task is to 
round out this preliminary draft; take it 
as far as you can, as deep as you can, while 
holding general agreement. We want to 
obtain maximum agreement among our- 
selves. None of us belongs to pressure 
groups, but some of us have pet ideas. 
I implore you to drop them if they stand 
in the way of agreement. It isn't you who 
must be vindicated, it is your country. 
Broader still, it is democracy which must 
be vindicated. 

We are sick and tired of hearing it said 
that we can never get anywhere because 
our government is so rotten meaning, in 
a democracy, that we are rotten. We are 
sick and tired of running around in circles 
wringing our hands because we can pro- 
duce so much. That is a game for people 
in a mental hospital, not for civilized men. 
The war has interrupted the game, but if 
we let things drift die mental cases will be 

The question before us here is not 
whether there shall be government inter- 
ference in the economy. That question was 
settled in the affirmative by the first admin- 
istration of George Washington, when cus- 
toms tariffs were enacted. The question 
before us here is what tynd of government 
interference. Will it be to subsidize pow- 
erful pressure groups, or to keep all Amer- 
ica strong? 

The Chairman took out his handkerchief 
and ran it across his forehead. It was a 
hot morning in Idaho. Out the windows 
the mountains loomed through the haze, 
and the pine trees on their flanks looked 
green and cool. 

I guess that is all, he said. Now we have 
to go to work. . . . And he sat down. 

There was very little applause. The men 
and women facing him knew there was 
nothing to celebrate. A milestone in the 
history of their country had been reached. 
If it was to be safely passed it meant the 
hardest kind of work. 

(In answering 



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(a) Director of social service department, 350-bed 
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Professional Education Leading to the degree of MS 

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Why can't slum clearance 

and decent housing 
be left to private enterprise? 


Fii-st Administrator of the U. S. Housing Authority 

answers irrefutably this question 
and every question advanced by 
the enemies of public housing 


With proven facts, graphic charts and tables, the 
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A Graduate Professional School Offering a Program 
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Contents for December 1944 

Medical Social Work in the Vocational Rehabilitation 
Program Eleanor Cockerill 

A Task for Social Work in Connection with Psychiatric 
Rehabilitation Helen Witmtr and Phebe Rich 

Abstracts of Theses: Smith College School for Social Work, 

For further information write to 


Northampton, Massachusetts 

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School of Jtfocixt S>txmtt Ainmniatrsttim 
Spring quarter begins March 26, 1945 

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Edited by Edith Abbott 
A Professional Quarterly for Social Workers 

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Air Age Transportation 

by William Fielding Ogburn 

Bridges to the Future by James T. Shotwell 
Health: Today and Tomorrow by Michael M. Davis 
Postwar Taxes and Full Employment by Mabel Newcomer 
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A Special New Republic Supplement Just Issued 

The Challenge to Progressives 

by James G. Patton and James Loeb Jr. 

(President, National Farmers' Union) 

(Director, Union for Democratic Action) 

Including an 8-page chart which completes the voting record of the (last) 78th Congress 
on all vital issues, lists the new Congressmen, and gives by a tabulation of votes 
the margin of victory in the last election of all present members of Senate and House 

1. The New Political Era 

What will be the situation of the Progressive 
without FDR on the ballot? 

2. Toward a Realistic Program 

What's wrong with. Liberal programs? Why 
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3. A New Political Strategy 

What are the periods through which the coun- 
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4. Who Are the Progressives? 

What social groups in America must and can 
be won over to the cause of progressivism? 
What is to be done about the farmer, the non- 
political trade unionist, the independent voter, 
the returning veteran? 

5. The Parties 

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major parties? The possibilities of a national 
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6. Conclusion 

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Prices: 1 copy lOc; 16 for $1 ; 34 for $2; 90 for $5 


40 East 49th Street, New York 17, N. Y. 

For the enclosed please send me postpaid copies of THE CHALLENGE TO 


Name City 

Street . . . State 

< 1-2-4S 


A non-partisan, non-profit, educational society or- 
ganized in 1912 (o promote the common welfare 



ACNES BROWN LEACH, Vice President 
JOHN PALMER CAVIT, Vice President 

BOARD OF DIRECTORS: Joseph P. Chamberlain, Chairman. 





To Every Member of Survey Associates: 

On January 1, 1945 for the first time in a decade our 
Membership Roster exceeded 2,100 at the turn of the year. In 
the course of 1944, members and contributors backed our ad- 
venturous program the first six months; stood by in tough 
going the second six; and saw us through on December 31. 

Beyond all peradventure, our exploratory work in these 
critical times hangs on your sustained participation. That has 

made possible our service of inquiry and interpreta- 
tion in fields of the common welfare and the 
tested procedures which give it validity; 

made for growth in circulation which in regular 
and special numbers wins hearings from 4 to 40 
times that of reports and ordinary books dealing 
with kindred subject matter. 

Without advance pledges in the early months of 1944, it would 
have been foolhardy for us to have projected: 

American Russian Frontiers Survey Graphic for Feb- 
ruary. Ninth in our CALLING AMERICA 
series of specials which go back to Munich. 

Juvenile Delinquency Survey Midmonthly for 
March; with its promptings for concerted action 
in our domestic life, now and after the war. 

The Call of Our Cities Survey Graphic for April; 
with its canvass of possibilities for urban de- 
velopment and postwar housing. 

These projects gave a shove to record circulation showings by 
mid-years which, in turn, gave us momentum to weather a 
fall quarter preoccupied with presidential elections. (Off-season 
for a non-political venture like ours.) 

Gain in Our "Educational Reach" 

With result, that we entered 1945 with an overall subscrip- 
tion list of 34,000 a gain of 18% over a year ago. During 
the twelve months, each of two special numbers reached cir- 
culations more than twice that figure: 

Graphic special, American Russian Frontiers, long 
since in 2nd edition. Combined circulation of 
CALLING AMERICA series half a million. 

Midmonthly special, American Ploughshares (Au- 
gust) , fourth in a series reinforcing annual drives 
on which hang fortunes of social agencies, at 
home and overseas. Combined circulation a 
quarter million. 

A Committee of Librarians (Harper's) selects "10 Out- 
standing Articles of the Month in American Magazines." In 
1944, one out of ten of them was from Survey Graphic: 

February Meet the Russian People 

March American Postwar Potentials 

May Blazing New Legislative Trails 

Civilian Internment American Way 
June Germans and the German Problem 

Trouble at the Grass Roots 

July On Being An American 

August Allies in Exile 

September Labor in Politics 

October Screening and Remaking Men 

November The Nazis' Last Front 

UNRRA On the March 
December Big Government 

Albert Rhys Williams 

Randall S. Williams 

Phillips Bradley 

Earl G. Harrison 

Egon Ranshofen-Wertheimer 

Eduard C. Lindeman 

Felix Frankfurter 

George Soloveytchik 

Beulah Amidon 

Flanders Dunbar, M.D. 

Paul Hagen 

Herbert H Lehman 

Stuart Chase 

To Every Reader of Survey Graphic: 

We invite each and all of you to join the fellowship of Sur- 
vey Associates in this New Year. 

Our Memorandum to Members (in the adjoining column) 
will show you how genuinely in 1944 our members helped us 
breast the stresses of one war year. Clues, also, to how much 
they will mean in making the most of our service to another. 

For example, in underpinning the 10th of our CALLING 
AMERICA series a Survey Graphic special on THE BRITISH 
AND OURSELVES, which current developments make all the 
more imperative as our next "adventure in understanding". 

A first charge on Survey Midmonthly in the months ahead is 
to appraise developments bound up in the fortunes of dis- 
charged service men and dislocated war workers. 

Our January Graphic carried forward the series on watersheds 
as "footholds for revival" (Morris L. Cooke, consultant) and 
introduced a new series on the social impact of science, spurred 
on by the war (Waldemar Kaempffert, consultant). In this is- 
sue, come instalments by two regular contributors hereafter: 

Prof. James T. Shotwell, historian of World War I, 
chairman of the Commission to Study the Or- 
ganization of Peace who will illuminate moves 
in liquidating the war and in fabricating security. 

Dr. Michael M. Davis, chairman of the Committee on 
Research in Medical Economics a lay authority 
in fields ranging from medical care to the insur- 
ances; editor of our new health department. 

The publishing receipts of our periodicals cover their pub- 
lishing expenses. They are the "carriers" for that work of 
swift research and interpretation which is the prime justification 
for our existence as an educational society, and for our in- 
vitation to you to become a $10 cooperative member. 

If you feel that you, yourself, might share in what we call 
our "living endowment", // would give a lift to our spirits in 
doing justice to the opportunities which press in upon us month 
by month. 

Such claims are inveterate and our needs ever so urgent in 
these times. 



For Your Convenience . . . 

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, Inc., 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y. 
Enroll me as a $10 Cooperating Member of Survey Associates. 

D Check enclosed 


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A membership Includes a joint subscription to Survey Graphic 
and Survey Midmonthly for the 12 months the membership runs. 
We shall be glad to send the balance of your present subscription 
to a friend of your choice or to a war camp library. 

SURVE\ GRAPHIC for February. 1945. Vol. XXXIV. No. 2. Published monthly and copyright 1945 by SURVEY ASSOCIATES. INC. Publication Office 34 
North Crystal Street. East Stroudsburu. Pa. Editorial and business office. 112 East 19 Street. New York 3. N. Y. Price this Issue 30 cents: $3 a year; Foreim 
postage 50 cents extra. Canadian 75 cents. Entered as second class matter on June 22. 1940 at the post office at East Stroudsbure. I'a., under the Act of March 
3. 1879. Acceptance for mailing at a special rate of postage provided for In Section 1103. Act of October 3, 1917, authorized Dec. 21. 1921. 1'rtoted In U.S.A. 

Gun crew officers, in helmets and flash 
gear, keep careful watch following an 
attack on their carrier. Action took place 
in the Southwest Pacific. Officer at right 
is relaying observations by telephone. 

Ite ****** 

4 ** ^t o* 

J.HE telephone and radio on ships and planes 
have made a vast change in naval warfare. 

Our Navy has more of these things than any 
other navy in the world. The battleship Wis- 
consin alone has enough telephones to serve a 
city of 10,000. 

A great part of this naval equipment comes 
from the Western Electric Company, manufac- 
turing branch of the Bell System. 

That helps to explain why we here at home 
are short of telephones and switchboards. 


Among Ourselves 

in February, and through all the shadowed 
1 months of war. We are privileged to reprint, 
I in part, "Peace on Earth," written for the New 
1 School Bulletin of December 25, by Alvin 
I Johnson, director of the School, and a member 
I of the board of Survey Associates: 

"Peace on earth, good will to men. Or 
should we read, Peace on earth to men of 
if good will? The manuscripts vary, and all of 
ij! them are uncertain of interpretation. I prefer 
I the former. I, a miserable sinner before the 
J Lord, am yet capable of wishing sincerely 
ij; peace on earth to men of good will. . . . 

"But it was a choir of angels that sang peace 
I on earth. I doubt that angels would have sung 
I a limited liability prayer. Peace on earth, good 
|i| will to men is a sentiment more fitting. It is 
| a sentiment of great splendor, and great wis- 
lij dom. For there will never be peace on earth 
i() for men of good will until there is good will 
| for all men, men of all races and colors and 
1 creeds; even men sullied with vices and 
I gangrened with crime. 

"How long, O Lord, how long! Nineteen 
I hundred and forty-four years have passed over 
I the world; but millions of men are locked in 
I deadly strife, men and women and little chil- 

I dren are being done wantonly to death by 
| men of the seed of wolves and jackals. In 

II His own time, we must say. 

". . . Each age has its sufficient reason for 

I despair. Yet all through the ages the song of 

! the angels has sounded, faintly over the clash- 

l ing of arms or clearly over the sleeping plains 

I and sheltered valleys, Peace on earth, good will 

I to men. 

"We are nearer to its realization today. 

I Slowly but surely the life is being ground out 

I of the savage enemies of peace. The racial and 

| national bigotry we all entertained in our 

i breasts in greater or less measure, has been 

I stamped indelibly as potential murder. . . . 

I More millions are trying to cast it out than 

I ever before. More millions than ever before 

I are determined upon a world organization that 

I will preclude war. Of itself this will not bring 

I the peace of the angels; but it will prepare 

I the way for peace." 

Co-op Freedom Fund 


scattered cooperatives in Europe and Asia get 
on their feet after the war is being collected 
! by the Cooperative League of the USA. Co-ops 
proved their worth as instruments of rehabilita- 
tion after the last war. UNRRA and private 
agencies are committed to using them as dis- 
tribution agencies where they exist. The Co-op 

In January Survey Midmonthly 

Public Welfare Faces the Unknown 

by Kathryn Close 
The In-Migrant "Menace" 

by Jack. Yeaman Bryan 
When Pin-Setters Are Children 

by Kate Cliigston 

Regardless of Race by Kathryn J. Sample 

The Blind Are Not Apart 

by M. Michael Gtfjner 
A State Cancer Program by Alice June Dritz 


Survey Graphic for February 1945 

No. 2 

Cover: Helicopter, Courtesy Aviation News 

James T. Shotwell: Photograph 36 

Bridges to the Future JAMES T. SHOTWELL 37 

Health Today and Tomorrow MICHAEL M. DAVIS 40 

Joe Doakes, Patriot *. MIRIAM ALLEN DEFoRD 43 

No. 1 Prison: Photographs 44 

On the Calendar of Our Consciences JUSTINE and SHAD POLIER 47 

Roads to Alcoholism ABRAHAM MYERSON, M.D. 49 

"An Ordinary American" KATHRYN CLOSE 52 

Air Age Transportation WILLIAM FIELDING OGBURN 55 

Aircraft for Postwar Needs: Photographs 56 

Postwar Taxes and Full Employment MABEL NEWCOMER 60 

Clean Sweep in Puerto Rico MARJORIE R. CLARK 63 

"My Happy Days": Photographs 66 

Letters and Life 68 

To Be Young, Poor, and Black HARRY HANSEN 68 

An Author Replies: A Communication Louis H. PINK 75 

Copyright, 1945, by Survey Associates, Inc. All rights reserved. 


Publication Office: 34 North Crystal Street, East Stroudsburg, Pa. 
Editorial and Business Office, 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y. 

Chairman of the Board, JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN; president, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR.; vice- 


Editor: PAUL KELLOGG. . 


Business manager, WALTER F. GRUENINGER; Circulation manager, MOLLIE CONDON; Advertising 

Survey Graphic published on the 1st of the month. Price of single copies of this issue, 30c a 
copy. By subscription Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year Foreign 50c; 
Canadian 75c. Indexed in Reader's Guide, Book Review Digest, Index to Labor Articles, Public 
Affairs Information Service, Quarterly Cumulative Index Medicus. 

Survey Midmonthly published on the 15th of the month. Single copies 30c. By subscription - 
Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year Foreign 50c; Canadian 75c. 

Joint subscription to Survey Graphic and Survey Midmonthly: Year, $5. 

Cooperative Membership in Survey Associates, Inc., including a joint subscription; Year, $10. 

Freedom Fund will be used to rebuild shat- 
tered warehouses and stores, to return leaders 
and employes to their communities, to train 
competent new people. The establishment of 
the fund was part of the centennial celebration 
of Rochdale Day. It was on December 21, 
1844, that the first Toad Lane Co-op store 
opened for business. 

"Sweating It Out" 

community agencies to look after their post- 
war adjustment they are briskly tackling that 
themselves. Witness "Sweating It Out, a Per- 
sonal Bulletin About Private and Not So Pri- 
vate Matters" a copy of which recently landed 

in our office. The Bulletin, mimeographed on 
both sides of a single sheet, is "the pet recrea- 
tion" of its editor, Pfc. Jerome E. Klein. The 
purpose is to "help get acquainted" with 
people on whom Pfc. Klein "hopes to call 
later," because "landing a public relations posi- 
tion is Number One on my list of postwar 
plans." The paper is made up of cheerful bits 
about AUS life in France. For example: 

"The food here is good when it is delivered 
to our kitchen. We do get the best, despite the 
efforts of our cooks. The other day, the mess 
sergeant had a smile on his face when the men 
lined up for chow. 'Dinner's going to be dif- 
ferent tonight, boys,' he said, 'I just found out 
you add water to these dehydrated foods'." 


His series "Bridges to the Future" begins now 

Through good fortune, the readers of Survey Graphic 
will be able, month by month, to see developments in the 
tough process of fabricating a new world through his eyes 
as chairman of the Commission to Study the Organiza- 
tion of Peace. There are few such eyes. 

The studies of that voluntary commission over the past 
six years have thrown light on issues that are coming 
to the fore from Dumbarton Oaks to the farthest of the 
seven seas. Moreover, Mr. Shotwell's books, "On the Rim 
of the Abyss" (1936), and "What Germany Forgot" 
(1940), "The Great Decision" (1944), have stood for 
clarity, dependable forecast, and the rare gift of express- 
ing the hopes and common sense of humankind in words 
that chime in our hearts. 

So far as background goes, consider the 150 volumes 
making up the economic and social History of World 
War I and some 30 volumes exploring Canadian-Ameri- 
can relations as crucial to the Western Hemisphere. 
Professor Shotwell edited both series as director of the 
Division of Economics and History of the Carnegie En- 
dowment for International Peace. There is no other 

such research authority in fields which have taken on 
emergent significance in these critical years. 

Bryce Professor of the History of International Rela- 
tions, he has been a member of the history department 
of Columbia University since 1900. That, in a sense, has 
been home base for his activities. In 1917-18, he was a 
member of "The Inquiry" the American preparatory 
committee for Versailles. In 1918-19, he was chief of the 
division of history and member of the International Labor 
Legislation Commission at the Peace Conference in Paris. 
In 1919, he was American member of the organizing 
committee of the International Labor Conference. 
* + 

Small wonder that medals from half a dozen govern- 
ments attest to such services. Or that he has been called 
in as a frequent counselor at Washington in the 1940's. 

Clues, also, to why an expert in research, an authority 
in fields that occupy the stage of wartime public concern, 
he welcomes the opportunity to put the quintessence of 
his current thinking before a group of readers who not 
only, in the old phrase, "mark and learn," but put their 
convictions to work as citizens. 



Magazine of 

Published by 
Survey Associates 

Bridges to the Future 

Prosecution of victory is one. Fabrication of enduring peace is another. Between them, 
and overlapping them, lies the liquidation of the war which (as in Italy and Greece) 
calls for drawing "a frontier between emergency action and long term planning." 

A plea for mutual understanding in the process 

two classes. There are those who are so 
sure they are right that they are intol- 
erant of other people's opinions. And there 
are those who try to understand what 
other people are thinking, and why they 
are thinking that way. 

In the long history of politics, the path- 
way of progress is blazed by the inde- 
pendent thinker, but the great reforms 
are never permanent or secure unless they 
are supported by the majority of those 
whose lives are affected by them. In or- 
der to get started these may have to do 
what the doctrinaire regards as comprom- 
ising with principle. The practical man 
keeps reminding us that the best may 
often be the enemy of the good. The 
idealist, on the other hand, has an equal- 
ly strong case against losing sight of fun- 
damentals by yielding too much to the in- 
terests of the moment. 

This is the statement, in general terms, 
of the conflict of ideas which seems to be 
emerging at the present time between Euro- 
peans and Americans concerning the aims 
of war and peace. The question which 
confronts us is much greater than that of 
the war itself. 

That is nothing short of the greatest 
reform which has ever been attempted 
in the history of civilization to eliminate 
war as an instrument of national policy. 
So far-reaching a change in human af- 

fairs is not only a challenge to our think- 
ing but to our ways of living as well. 
Clearly the fortunes of all mankind will 
be affected by it. Therefore, while stem- 
ming from the idealists who boldly chal- 
lenge the future, the change must have 
the support as well of those practically- 
minded people who have to work it out 
in the everyday world of men and nations. 

To the Europeans we seem of all 
things doctrinaire, and to us they seem 
to be unduly compromising to the point 
of turning back to the old system of power 
politics which breeds war. On both sides^ 
there has been recent evidence of a lack 
of confidence in the ultimate purposes of 
the other. This is not serious enough to 
cause concern over our joint war effort, 
for the brutal aggression of Germany and 
Japan bring the Allies together in self 

But the fact that the misunderstandings 
have political or economic, rather than mil- 
itary, significance does not lessen the ur- 
gent need to get rid of them. 

Can We Win the Peace? 

Everyone has come to know that the 
results of victory in the first World War 
were lost in the peace that followed, and 
there is universal concern lest this should 
happen again. To prevent a repetition of 
that calamity, we must start to deal with 
the problem now. 


There is no better starting point than 
the technique of the old masters in di- 
plomacy who tried always to put them- 
selves in the place of their opponents in 
a dispute, so as to understand what were 
the real difficulties before them in reach- 
ing an agreement. The Europeans need 
to know what lies behind our way of 
thinking. We need to know the prob- 
lems which are uppermost in the minds 
of Europeans. If we face the issues hon- 
estly upon this basis, we may make prog- 

On the other hand, we can never hope 
to make an international organization work 
so long as we ignorantly distrust each other 
without attempting to understand. Most 
people would be ready to accept this dic- 
tum to the extent of trying to get the 
other person, or the other nation, to un- 
derstand our own point of view. That 
would only involve our insisting more and 
more upon it and arguing more and more 
for it. While the method has its advan- 
tages, because it tends to clarify our own 
thinking, it can never go more than half 
way toward international understanding. 

The hardest but the most necessary of 
all disciplines is to try to see ourselves as 
others see us. It can also be rather dis- 

The chief problems in the international 
liquidation of the war are those which 
arise from the inescapable responsibilities 

of Great Britain, the USSR, and the 
United States in their dealings with the 
liberated nations. These are responsibili- 
ties for which neither the liberators nor 
the liberated are wholly ready, owing to 
the continued pressure of war needs. 

Our own participation is as yet much 
less than that of either Great Britain or 
Soviet Russia. As we pass judgment upon 
what they have done or are doing in south- 
ern or eastern Europe, we should keep 
in mind the problems with which we our- 
selves will be confronted in the time to 
come. Within the limits of this article 
it is impossible to single out by way of 
illustration more than one fraction of this 
large field the policies of the British gov- 
ernment and our relations to them. 

Greece an Example 

In my opinion, the present British gov- 
ernment has made serious blunders in Italy 
and Greece, but we should be making an 
equally serious blunder if we allowed these 
incidents to destroy our confidence in the 
good faith of the British people. 

I cannot believe that the nation which 
gave us Magna Carta and the Bill of 
Rights, and which has served as a model 
for the free peoples of the European con- 
tinent in representative government, is 
ready to endorse a political leadership 
which would transform the United Na- 
tions into a Holy Alliance and prevent the 
growth of free governments throughout 

Temporary intervention in Greece, for 
example, to maintain law and order is a 
very different thing from the planned 
maintenance of foreign control. We our- 
selves have intervened in Latin America 
upon more than one occasion, and we 
are even now making our wishes known 
to Argentina in no uncertain terms. 

Such policies do not become permanent 
in these nations which cherish the principle 
of human freedom as 'the very basis of their 
way of life. 

The opposition to the Churchill policy 
is nonetheless real in British labor and lib- 
eral circles because they have not risked 
voting against the government in wartime. 
They all know that the dangers which 
confront Great Britain in a world of an- 
archy are only in a degree less serious than 
those of war itself. For Great Britain can- 
not live without foreign trade, and at the 
end of this war more than 70 percent 
of that trade will be gone, while British 
capacity for output will be lessened by 
debt and outworn industrial machinery. 

A nation, worn out by years of war 
and with two thirds of its houses destroyed 
or damaged, is anxious for friends who 
understand its problems, and Britain has 
been looking to us for that friendship. 
This is certainly a good base to work from 
in building our policies for the liquidation 

But on either side mistakes are being 
made which, if continued, may have far- 
reaching and ruinous consequences for 
both nations. For those in both countries 
who regard Churchill's way for saving 
Britain as a resort to the old method of 

power politics, there is a more sensible 
way of dealing with it than simply de- 
nouncing it as something we do not be- 
lieve in. 

That way is by planning economic co- 
operation with the British and the other 
freedom-loving peoples of the world in or- 
der to give them a fair chance to recover 
a decent way of life. We should do this 
in our own interest fully as much as in 

For we cannot solve our own problem 
of postwar employment if the rest of the 
world should be shut off from us by 
barbed-wire, economic frontiers as will 
certainly be the case if we do not keep 
open the two-way street of international 
commerce. Foreign trade is not charity, 
it is good business; but there cannot be 
trade unless customers can afford to buy. 
We must offer Britain a chance to rebuild 
her export trade and to earn a living. 

It would be sheer hypocrisy for us to 
preach against political imperialism if we 
were to build up an economic imperialism 
on the ruins of a wartorn world. The 
answer to that would be economic warfare 
which might ultimately lead toward another 
war. There are tendencies in this coun- 
try now toward economic imperialism, 
against which we have to be on our guard. 
We must not misuse the economic strength 
which has made us the most powerful na- 
tion in the world. If we do, we shall 
pay dearly for our blunders in the years 
to come. 

The path to follow is that laid down 
by Secretary Hull throughout these past 
years: international economic cooperation 
on fair terms and world markets for our 
goods, with equal trading opportunity for 
all. The soundest of all policies is that 
based upon the interest of the common 
man everywhere, who is the consumer as 
well as the producer. The goal is a ris- 
ing standard of living in America and 
throughout the world. 

This is but a part of the problem of war 
liquidation, but it at least indicates the 
need for turning from negative to posi- 
tive policies, upon which we may bxiild for 
the long future as well. 

Four American Trys 

Building for the long future still re- 
mains the chief interest of the United 
States. Our fundamental war aim is the 
great reform of the elimination of inter- 
national war and we have gone at it in 
the very way which might be expected 
of us in the light of our past history and 
our present situation in the world. 

This is our fourth effort at world or- 
ganization. The earlier ones were partial 
and incomplete, and their failure was not 
unexpected by many of us. This time 
Americans are in earnest, having learned 
by experience. 

A glance at past history is essential. First 
of all, there were the Hague Conferences 
on disarmament, of 1899 and 1907, which 
became peace conferences, in a limited way, 
on our insistence. True to the traditions 
of a federal republic in which the states 
and the central government are held to- 

gether under a constitutional framework 
with a Supreme Court to adjust differences 
and guarantee human rights, we sought to 
buttress international law by courts, by 
judicial settlement of international disputes. 
Subsequent history, however, showed that, 
valid as it is within definite frontiers, the 
judicial settlement of disputes is not a sub- 
stitute for war. And our own insistence 
upon sovereignty proved to be one of the 
strongest obstacles in the development of 
this judicial method of ours for interna- 
tional organization. 

Second, after World War I we imposed 
upon the world the splendid architecture 
of the League of Nations and then left 
it weakened and partly untenanted because 
of our own unwillingness to accept the 
obligation of peace enforcement as set forth 
in the Covenant. 

Third, we tried to turn this failure into 
a merit by insisting that the Briand-Kel- 
logg Pact for the Renunciation of War 
should have only moral opinion behind 
it, until that far-off day when international 
law would be respected by "the public 
opinion of mankind." 

To other nations, and to many Ameri- 
cans as well, this history of frustration has 
been a poor introduction to any fourth 
try in planning for world peace at the 
end of this second World War. But it 
also made Secretary Hull's great gesture 
at the Moscow Conference of October, 
1943, all the more dramatic. And then 
came the Moscow Conference, followed a 
year later by that of Dumbarton Oaks. 

The American Way 

Even so, doubts as to America's final 
attitude toward the creation of an interna- 
tional organization to maintain peace still 
lingered, especially in the minds of Euro- 
pean observers. They were, therefore, not 
a little surprised at the apparent strength 
of the movement which developed in the 
United States in support of the Organiza- 
tion which was to take the place of the 
old League of Nations, a movement in 
which both political parties participated. 

The Europeans have failed to appreciate 
that the attitude of the American people 
toward the Dumbarton Oaks Agreement is 
wholly in line with our way of approach- 
ing vast political problems. 

Traditionally, Americans first assert, and 
then attempt to establish, the great prin- 
ciples of human conduct in the confidence 
that the details can be taken care of if the 
principles are right. If, later on, we some- 
times fail to live up to these principles, or 
to insure their effective embodiment in in- 
stitutions, we are nevertheless insistent 
upon proceeding as architects or engineers 
so as to have a structure ready and wait- 
ing for mankind to enter. 

In domestic affairs, the emphasis which 
we place upon the Constitution is a case 
in point. We make it work not only by 
insisting upon the legal framework, but 
also by insisting upon the sphere of free- 
dom for the individual which is safeguard- 
ed by the courts from government inter- 
ference. Somehow, we make it work. 

As an American, I am bound to share in 



this habit of mind and to be proudly aware 
of the boldness in design and the sig- 
nificance in imaginative conception which 
we have contributed to the structure of 
international peace. But, at the same time, 
the sobering history of past failures to 
make good the promises which we have 
given the world leads me to pause and 
reflect that in part our failure is due to a 
too great insistence upon having our own 
way, and in part to unwillingness to learn 
the reasons why other people think dif- 

Perhaps the most helpful contribution 
we could make, therefore, at this junc- 
ture is to try to see just what is in the 
mind of other nations with reference to 
these plans for permanent peace, and why 
there should be variance of opinion or of 
planning among peoples who are equally 
anxious to safeguard it. For we may find 
to our surprise that those who seem to be 
turning aside or holding back from the 
great enterprise on which we have be- 
gun, do so not because of any fundamental 
difference of opinion or lack of anxious 
hope for peace and security, but for two 
reasons which we must try to understand 
if we and the other nations are ever 
going to make a world organization work. 

Stumbling Blocks 

The first impediment to understanding 
has already been indicated. It is the un- 
certainty in the minds of other peoples 
as to how far they can count upon our 
remaining steadfast of purpose in the years 
to come. This is a matter which cannot 
be settled by formal guarantees, for no 
one can predict what may happen to us 
or to the rest of the world in so rapidly 
changing an era. Yet if we do not get 
started we shall never have any organi- 
zation at all; and unless other nations have 
some confidence in our good faith and po- 
litical stability, the starting may never take 
place. Every great political creation is 
an act of faith. 

The tragic lesson of the second World 
War has been learned by the American 
people fully as much as by any other na- 
tion. Indeed, to judge by public utter- 
ances abroad, we seem to have learned 
that lesson somewhat more definitely and 
clearly than in the case of Europeans. 
There are not many Americans now who 
are willing to accept the age-old maxim 
that war can be permitted to be the final 
argument of nations. The belief that war 
is an international crime is, and always 
will remain, an American orthodoxy. 

Therefore, America's stability of purpose 
can be counted upon so long as we are 
convinced that the international arrange- 
ments to maintain peace will really work 
and that our purpose is not being betrayed 
by others. 

The second impediment to international 
understanding at the present time is due 
to the fact that the nations which have 
been most directly in the path of the war 
have other urgent things that must be 
done before they are in a position to enter 
fully into the long range planning of the 
postwar world. The conflagration of this 

war has left ruins far beyond anything 
we can imagine viewing it from across 
the wide, if narrowing, seas. Not only 
has the war destroyed city and country- 
side, to a degree unknown since the days 
of Attila or Tamerlane, but it has burned 
up the souls of men as well. Years lived 
under brutal tyranny, in which millions 
have been enslaved, have devastated the 
moral bases of society and made faith in 
a world order of justice and peace seem 
like a mirage. 

Yet there are millions of sturdy souls 
who have survived the ordeal and whose 
immediate problem is to restore the sim- 
ple, homely activities of daily life. They 
have to regain faith in the honesty and 
friendship of their next-door neighbors be- 
fore they can give undivided attention to 
neighboring nations. They have to clear 
the ground of the ruins which lie around 
them before they can rebuild their homes; 
they have to mark out their garden plots 
obliterated by the march of armies; and 
they have to see to it that law and order 
are restored, making headway against the 
danger of anarchy due to the lawlessness 
ot years of war. It takes time for the 
restored governments to become reliable 
safeguards of settled life. In the interval, 
factional and civic strife is almost inevit- 

For these people, the contributions of 
UNRRA are not enough. They want the 
assurance not only of settled order at 
home but of guarantees against aggres- 
sion during the period of postwar adjust- 
ments. Until these steps are taken, they 
are not yet ready to give undivided atten- 
tion to long term planning. 

To them our interest in a universal or- 
ganization for peace and security seems 
something like rebuilding a cathedral be- 
fore they have homes to live in again 
along the city streets. This does not mean 
that they have no interest in the archi- 
tecture of the structure of peace, for it 
will ultimately mean more to them than to 
anyone else. But they and their neigh- 
bors have old-time quarrels which come to 
the fore in situations like these, and will 
not yield to mere preaching by those who 
do not fully appreciate what is at stake. 

Clearing the Air 

While this is an over-simplification of 
the divergence in interests of Europeans 
and Americans in the peace settlement, 
it may at least help to clarify oar differ- 
ences in approach and so open paths for 
real solutions. No fair-minded American 
will deny that the European nations which 
have suffered most from the second World 
War are even more anxious than we are 
to avoid a third one. No fair-minded 
European can deny the practical bent of 
the American mind in the problems of re- 

It is true that militarism has been a 
European disease in which innocent na- 
tions have been involved along with the 
guilty. But that contagion is now burn- 
ing itself out, and the chief germ carriers, 
the Axis powers, are certain to be ren- 
dered harmless for some time to come. 

Only when this happens will the inherent 
strength of the forces for peace in Eu- 
rope have a chance at genuine expression, 
and we can certainly count upon it that 
they will express themselves in terms simi- 
lar to our own. 

It is equally clear that Americans will 
not confine their future interests in peace 
to dogmatic institutionalizing, but will co- 
operate wherever possible to restore and 
vitalize the life of free nations. 

The problem, therefore, which concerns 
both the Old World and the New is to 
draw the frontier between emergency ac- 
tion and long term planning. This fron- 
tier, however, is not a clear-cut line but 
covers the whole wide area of the liquida- 
tion of the war an area varying in extent 
and in time according to the circumstances 
of each nation, but everywhere presenting 
problems which each in its own way feels 
cannot be left for solution to the normal 
processes of peacetime political life. 

For total war does not end by trum- 
pets blowing the order to cease fire on 
the field of battle. Few people are so 
naive as to believe that a fully panoplied 
peace will suddenly take command of a 
world that has suffered so much and so 
long from force and violence. 

The liquidation of the war will there- 
fore take place in many different ways. 
Some of it will be by mob action or in- 
dividual revenge, without the consent of 
any government. Some of it will be by 
communities acting on their own with lit- 
tle regard for the admonitions addressed 
to them by governments which have been 
in exile throughout most of the conflict. 
Some of it will be by these governments 
without waiting for, or thinking of, the 
opinion of the outside world mere in- 
stinctive reaction to the terrible circum- 
stances of the hour. Much of it, however, 
will be by responsible governments aware 
of their responsibility not only to their 
citizens but to the community of nations 
as a whole. 

The Call for a Positive Policy 

Now while this process is going on 
and it will go on because that is the in- 
evitable consequence of the greatest crime 
in history what are we to do about it? 
The United States will have its political 
capacity and maturity tested as never be- 
fore. How can we keep an even course 
toward our ultimate goal of a lasting peace 
with freedom? 

Clearly, this calls for a positive policy 
on our part with reference to war liqui- 
dation not merely one of fault finding 
from a safe distance. We can be helpful 
only insofar as other nations will recog- 
nize that our concern is friendly and not 
based upon a fundamental distrust of them. 
To the extent that we distrust them, they 
will distrust us. 

This does not mean that we should be 
the ready dupes of scheming reactionaries, 
but it does mean making the effort, first 
of all, to understand why other nations 
act in the way they do, and not to pre- 
judge what they are doing until we really 
know the reason why. 




Today and Tomorrow 


to early developments in American health 
and social work. In contrast, slogans that 
strike eye and ear today bring sharper and 
broader issues to mind. Take this sequence 
over the years: 

Wipe out tuberculosis. Buy Christmas 

Does the grandfather who sneered at 
asepsis have a grandson who scoffs at medi- 
cal social service? Plug for it, doctor I 

All the nation's future's mended // 
mothers and babies are well tended. Put 
the Children's Charter to wor\. 

Healthy minds ma\e peaceful nations. 
Boost mental hygiene in words of two 

In causes of death, hearts are trumps. 
Play the winning cards: Research, Educa- 
tion and Care. 

Cancer falls more Americans than Hitler. 
Fight cancer with bullets of knowledge. 

Public health is purchasable. Buy an up- 
to-date health department for everybody 

Good medical care should be available to 
everyone according to need and regardless 
of ability to pay. Let's legislate national 
health insurance. 

All these slogans are still very much alive 
but, one might say, the later the live-r. The 
younger the hotter. There is a change in 
political climate as well as a lapse in years 
between "Fight Tuberculosis" and "Health 
Security"; between Dr. Herman M. Biggs' 
"Public Health Is Purchasable" and Presi- 
dent Roosevelt's "Adequate Medical Care 
... a Basic Human Right." In the per- 
spective of today, a health department in 
Survey Graphic must keep its sights on the 
focal issue, which is to extend medical care 
without, however, neglecting the outer 
circles of the limelight. Moreover technical 
interpretation must be infused with the shot- 
in-the-arm that brings muscles into action. 

The Thirties 

A dozen years ago, the American Medical 
Association fought a delaying action against 
Blue Cross hospital insurance plans as a 
dangerous change from the status quo; now 
the AMA rallies to them as a bulwark 
against presently feared changes. By the 
late Thirties, the threat of public action 
springing from the National Health Con- 
ference (called at Washington by the Inter- 
departmental Committee) stimulated some 
state medical societies to a positive policy. 
Health insurance plans have been set going 
since by about twenty of them; but these 
mostly limit themselves to surgery and 

obstetrics for hospitalized cases and have in 
most instances acquired only a handful of 

Voluntary health insurance as responsibly 
proposed by the Committee on the Costs of 
Medical Care was "socialism and commun- 
ism" according to Dr. Morris Fishbein in 
1932. In the climate of today, voluntary 
health insurance is the official AMA way of 
salvation, blessed by the same high priest 
so long as it is under "medical control" 
and so long as it follows the traditional 
form of individual practice. Meanwhile, 
voluntary health insurance with group 
medical practice, dramatized for the nation 
in Henry J. Kaiser's great war plants on 
the West Coast, offers complete medical 
care, and follows a pattern which has been 
successful in other industries and a few 
cooperative ventures, but which is still op- 
posed by "organized medicine." 

The Forties 

With the Forties, the progressive front 
has advanced and widened. 1944 saw liberal 
physicians aligning their professional 
knowledge with the political weight of 
organized labor. 1945 is seeing a revised 
Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill in Congress, 
going beyond the earlier draft in provisions 
to promote the quality of medical care, 
assist research, advance hospitalization and 
health services in rural areas, and make 
decentralized administration more explicit. 

In 1944, the Health Program Conference 
of physicians and laymen issued its report 
on these matters. [Survey Graphic, Decem- 
ber 1944, page 491.] In that same year the 
American Public Health Association 
adopted a progressive national Medical Care 
Program. [American Journal of Public 
Health, December 1944, page 1252.] When 
an editorial in the fournal of the American 
Medical Association [October 14, 1944, 
page 434] testily called the Public Health 
Association to account for not consulting 
the national medical body before expressing 
views upon a medical question, the public 
health leaders held their ground, though 
they were too polite to retort: "Yes, many 
of us are physicians, but we are also 

1944 witnessed an aggressive move by 
organized medicine on another positive 
policy. The National Physicians' Com- 
mittee, the propaganda arm of the Amer- 
ican Medical Association, came out for 
health insurance run by private insurance 
companies, and staged two lush meetings 
at the Waldorf-Astoria in New York to 
hold out bait to the insurance companies 
of a half-billion dollars or so of new busi- 
ness and to industry of "better labor re- 

Barney Stein 
MICHAEL M. DAVIS, Associate Editor 

The chairman of the Committee on Re- 
search in Medical Economics will, from 
now on, write regularly for Survey Graphic 
in these times 

when Health has become a prime factor 
in war and postwar developments; 
when conservation of the armed forces 
has become part of modern strategy, 
spurring both scientific discovery and 
advances in preventive and curative 

when selective service examinations 
again have dramatized the extent of 
uncared for disease and defect; 
when physical and mental rehabilita- 
tion of discharged servicemen and war 
workers is a mounting charge on the 
medical professions, on educators and 
social workers, industries and com- 
munities; and 

when, as pointed out in this initial can- 
vass, the Extension of Medical Care 
has become a focal issue in public 

Thoroughly conversant in these fields. 
Dr. "Davis is a ranking lay consultant on 
the organization of medical care. 

As director for medical services of the 
Julius Rosenwald Fund, he was one of the 
initiators in the late '20s of the Com- 
mittee on the Costs of Medical Care which, 
under the chairmanship of Dr. Ray Lyman 
Wilbur (then Secretary of the Interior in 
the Hoover Administration), canvassed the 
whole terrain. 

His most recent contribution was as 
chairman of the Health Program Confer- 
ence, made up of physicians and lay ex- 
perts, which has presented "Principles of a 
Nation-Wide Health Program." These he 
interpreted in Survey Graphic for Decem- 

Our association with him, however, goes 
back to 1927-28, when we brought out a 
series of articles in which he broke original 
ground as director of the Committee on 
Dispensary Development, New York. 

His monthly department will review 
events and point up issues as he sees them, 
whether embedded in old mind-sets and 
time worn neglect or revealed in plans for 
voluntary agencies and proposals for legis- 
lation. More, it will be his province, in 
collaboration with the staff of Survey 
Associates, to develop for new times our 
coverage of Health Today and Tomorrow. 



lations" (especially less unionism). The 
meetings were just as frank as that. 

In 1944, the committee seems to have 
raised about $300,000, about half from 
physicians and medical organizations, the 
remainder mostly from the drug business. It 
now appeals for $500,000 a year for three 
years for its double-barreled campaign to 
push its favored brands of health insurance 
on the one side, and on the other side to 
fight the Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill with 
such slogans as 

"Political Medicine" 

"The Socialization of Medical Practice in 
the United States." 

Thus has this issue of the 1940's been 
shrewdly misconstrued in fifteen million 
copies of one pamphlet, in weekly releases 
to 12,000 publications, in uncounted meet- 
ings and broadcasts, and in the well-im- 
pelled personal propaganda of individual 
physicians to their patients and their con- 
gressmen. So far, this campaign proceeds 
without blushing or concealment. 

California As a Test Tube 

"I am a student nurse," said a letter 
coming to me the first working day of 
1945, "and in my social problem class, I 
was asked to find out the present status 
of socialized medicine. Please tell me what 
it is." 

An answer to this maiden's prayer came 
on the same date a December 29 copy of 
the San Francisco News, headlined across 
the front page: 



"I am not for socialized medicine," the 
governor declared, "where doctors are put 
on the public payrolls and care is paid for 
from government funds. I don't believe in 
that system. ... I do want to spread the 
costs of medical care by compulsory con- 
tributions of workers and industry, both 
of whom would be beneficiaries." 

During the past six months I have been 
asked at least a dozen times to debate 
"socialized medicine." Most often the re- 
quests are from a woman's club or a student 
society that is as naive on the subject as 
the young nurse and her "social problem" 
teacher. Sometimes the invitation is from 
a group that would like to put the liberal 
side into a false position. Governor Warren 
defines socialized medicine for what it is 
an issue of no importance in the United 
States because, like sin in Calvin Coolidge's 
philosophy, everybody's against it. To those 
who see pink in any fresh green landscape 
and who find facts difficult weapons, 
"socialized medicine" is a useful bludgeon, 
knobbed with epithets and stuffed with 

Why does the Republican governor of 
California corne out now for compulsory 
health insurance, about which the American 
Medical Association continues to say hard 

For the past twenty years and more, this 
state of contrasts and surprises has had 
fuller experience than any state with varied 
plans of voluntary health insurance, and 
has had plenty of controversy to dramatize 
them. In California as elsewhere, it is likely 

that for every member a voluntary health 
insurance plan enrolls, at least one or two 
converts are made for the idea of health 
insurance in general converts who can't 
or won't join the voluntary plan. Com- 
pulsory health insurance bills have been 
hardy perennials in the California legisla- 
ture, blossoming every few years but thus 
far always nipped before fruiting by the 
California Medical Association and its allies. 
Four years ago this state medical society 
set up the California Physicians Service, a 
non-profit, wholly owned subsidiary which 
has enrolled about one percent of the popu- 
lation of the state for very limited medical 
and surgical services. Also, through a restive 
partnership with government, it has en- 
rolled a lately decreasing number in some 
war housing projects. Last winter a public 
opinion poll, sponsored by the state society, 
found (in the words of its official reporter): 

-"that 50 percent of the citizens (of 
California) are definitely in favor of federal 

-"that 34 percent are against it; and 
"that 16 percent haven't as yet made 
up their minds." 

Organized labor makes its first choice a 
national plan, but will push a state plan if 
Congress delays. Shocked by its own survey, 
the embattled California doctors put forth 
a conference committee, meeting with labor, 
in the attempt to work out a mutually 
acceptable plan. What would be acceptable 
to the Society? If compulsory health in- 
surance has to be, let it be a plan which the 
doctors would run through their California 
Physicians Service. The price of medical 
acquiescence in "compulsion" would be 
medical control over administration. 

A meeting of the Society's House of 
Delegates on January 5 condemned com- 
pulsory health insurance. But the governor 
had already spoken. 

However, it may be inferred that Gov- 
ernor Warren saw an opportunity to make 
political capital by coming out earlier for 
a public measure which will certainly have 
large popular support. Labor will be behind 
it in principle, and the medical society 
will doubtless work with Governor War- 
ren on the details of a bill. Meanwhile, 
labor is introducing its own bill. So the 
pot will boil! 

Other states, and especially New York, 
present suggestive though as yet obscured 
parallels. In New York, organized labor 
is politically influential and wants com- 
pulsory health insurance. The state medical 
society is well organized, well financed, 
fearful, shrewdly led, and in every way but 
in official commitment supported Governor 
Dewey and fought Roosevelt and Senator 
Wagner in the last election. The governor 
has appointed a State Medical Care Com- 
mission having a broad mandate and due 
to report in 1946. In that year, the governor 
and most of the legislature will face a state 
election. By 1945, assuming no national 
health program supervenes, it remains to 
be seen what medical-labor-political align- 
ments in New York will give most to 

California's experience especially supports 
n generalization based on much other evi- 

dence. Ihe policy ot the medical 
that have been active in medical-economic 
matters, has developed in three stages. Flat 
opposition has been the first. Delaying 
action is the second. The third stage is 
represented by the well-tested American 
adage, "If you can't lick 'em, join "em." 
The third stage is infiltration into admin- 

In national affairs, as well as in Cali- 
fornia, the signs are already up that the 
third stage is upon us. There is reason to 
believe that many physicians disapprove 
policies of obstruction, delay, and intrigue. 
In the past, few have expressed themselves 
openly, but the Physicians Forum and the 
Committee of Physicians for the Improve- 
ment of Medical Care have shown the way. 

Wartime Needs and Moves 

The triumphs of military medicine in 
this war, with unprecedented records of con- 
trolling disease and rehabilitating the 
wounded, have made as profound an im- 
pression on the public mind, on the one 
side, as the rejection of over four million 
young men for diseases and defects has 
made on the other. It is anybody's guess 
what effect these experiences will have upon 
popular and particularly veterans' atti- 
tudes toward medical care in postwar years. 

The critical shortage of doctors in many 
war areas and the sharp increase in the 
long standing rural shortage, have found 
us as yet unready to take effective action. 
Any considerable action would be difficult 
anyway until medical demobilization from 
the armed forces begins. Unless plans are 
ready for attracting doctors to the places 
that need them at that time, most of the 
young doctors will seek opportunity in the 
cities which already have the largest ratio 
of physicians in proportion to population. 

Wartime has witnessed an "efficiency 
reorganization" of the U. S. Public Health 
Service which should help it carry growing 
responsibilities. A major forward step was 
the formation of a Tuberculosis Division 
within the Service, with money enough to 
help states and localities establish needed 
sanatoria and other services. The National 
Tuberculosis Association and its branches 
supported this bill in Congress. As the 
national program gets into action, the vol- 
untary tuberculosis agencies will need to 
adjust their own educational and service 
programs to it. 

During 1945 it is estimated that about a 
half million wives and babies of enlisted 
men will be cared for under the national 
"Emergency Maternity and Infant Care 
Program." The Children's Bureau of the 
U. S. Department of Labor, which ad- 
ministers it, has weathered a series of medi- 
cal attacks and held congressional support. 

A vast expansion of medical care and 
rehabilitation for servicemen is certainly 
ahead, throwing responsibilities upon the 
Veterans Administrations' hospitals and 
clinics such as will justify every effort to 
test and improve the quality of these serv- 
ices. A national program of physical re- 
habilitation of handicapped civilians has 
been started, with federal grants to state 
agencies. Medical rehabilitation of 4-F's at 
national expense may be undertaken if the 



war and the manpower shortage last long 
enough. The extreme shortage of psychi- 
atrists and psychiatric social workers for 
military and civilian service has been 
brought out by experts, but has not yet 
been translated into terms appreciable by 
the general public. 

The Blue Cross hospital insurance plans 
have reached their year of largest growth 
over three million additional members in 
1944 bringing their total in the United 
States to over sixteen million beneficiaries. 
Sharing the fears of the medical societies 
as to encroachment by government action. 
Blue Cross seeks further expansion more 
militantly than ever. 

The American Hospital Association 
sponsors Blue Cross, opposes compulsory 
insurance by government action, but would 
like government funds (local, state, and 
federal) to pay hospitals for the care of 
indigent persons. The association has set 
up a national Commission on Hospital 
Care, an independent body with funds from 
several foundations, which is now begin- 
ning a two-year study of hospital needs and 
ways of meeting them throughout the 
United States. This year the association 
sponsors a bill in Congress to aid local 
areas, through the states, to construct or 
improve hospitals after careful state studies 
have determined the places of need. Thus 
the hospital bodies are now furthering sev- 
eral positive programs of both voluntary 
and governmental action. 

Across the Atlantic and Back 

Overseas, Great Britain moves with de- 
liberation and assurance toward a National 
Health Service. "Our policy," declared 
Winston Churchill almost a year ago, "is 
to create a National Health Service in order 
to ensure that everybody in the country, 
irrespective of means, age, sex or occupa- 
tion, shall have equal opportunities to bene- 
fit from the best and most up-to-date 
medical and allied services available." 

The objections raised at the British 
Medical Association's meeting in December 
to the Government's White Paper are less 
to principles than to methods of administra- 
tion and are to be interpreted, in large part, 
as preparing the best bargaining position 
in forthcoming negotiations with the gov- 

A not inconsiderable section of British 
medical men favor a completely salaried 
state service. This minority is vocal because, 
unlike the Journal of the American Medical 
Association, the British Medical Journal 
opens its columns to dissenting views and 
every week publishes opinions of all shades. 
The contrasting practice in the United 
States has been criticized by Dr. Allen 
Butler of Harvard Medical School in these 

"... the societies representing so-called 
organized medicine permit the public ex- 
pression of no minority opinion. The 
majority opinion is considered the unani- 
mous opinion. Unfortunately this restriction 
of minority opinion inhibits considered dis- 
cussion and the development of sound 
progressive thought." 

On this side of the Atlantic, Canada's 
national health insurance bill, introduced 
by the government and approved in prin- 
ciple by the Canadian Medical Association, 
was reported out of committee last fall after 
elaborate hearings. Delay in action is likely 
because of war conditions. Meanwhile, sev- 
eral of the provinces are working on their 
own bills. In Canada, compulsory health 
insurance is not called socialized medicine. 
The differences of opinion about the bill 
are not basic political cleavages as with us, 
but concern such matters as coverage, ad- 
ministration, the amount and allocation of 

Perhaps it is because of exposure to the 
Gulf Stream of progressive British influence 
that our northern neighbor has a more 
temperate medical climate than ours. 

Here in the USA 

What way of getting and paying for 
medical care do the American people want? 
Public opinion polls are beginning to probe 
the question. Such a poll by the National 
Opinion Research Center of Denver, publi- 
cized last October, told us: 

that 68 percent of the people "think it 
would be a good idea for social security to 
cover doctor and hospital care"; and 

that "58 percent still think it a good idea 
if 2 l / 2 percent were taken out of people's 
pay checks instead of the present one per- 

In contrast, the National Physicians' Com- 
mittee's own poll, six months earlier, came 
out with nearly opposite findings and a 
mass of prejudicial questions and comment. 
But the California poll tends to support 
that of the Denver agency, as did much 
earlier polls by Fortune and others. Several 
state medical societies now have polls in 
progress. Thus far, we have learned that at 
least with a subject as complex, technical, 
and emotionalized as medical care, the way 
you bait your questions has a lot to do with 
the kind of fish you catch. 

One story the polls surely tell: The issues 
of medical care have become public issues. 
In the past twenty years they have moved 
from the library to the committee room, 
from the committee room to the forum, 
from the forum to legislative chambers. On 
all these levels today, in all sorts of private 
and public agencies all over the land, action 
is taking place, experience accumulating, 
patterns evolving. 

As to prognosis, it may be that the acts 
and expressions of experienced public men, 
whose political fortunes are at stake, will 
supply a better index than polls as to the 
trend of populer sentiment and the balance 
of conflicting forces. Watch California, New 
York, and the two focal points on Pennsyl- 
vania Avenue in the Nation's Capital. 






New York City Department of Health poster, the first on venereal diseases to be accepted for 
use in the city's street cars and buses. A familiar comic strip figure conveys the message 



Volunteers, working in two shifts, got seven and a half million ration books to California citizens in record time 

Joe Doakes, Patriot 

He is 4-F because he made a mistake. Just the same, behind bars at San 
Quentin he is fighting his country's battles with everything he's got. 

graced that, long ago, and he is only a 
number now, one of some 3,500 inmates 
of the overcrowded California State Prison 
at San Quentin. 

But Joe Doakes is something else besides 
a burglar, a pickpocket, a confidence man, 
or what have you in the criminal line. He 
is also an American. He can't get out and 
fight. He earns practically nothing. Yet here 
is just a part of what he and the others in 
this prison have done since Pearl Harbor: 

Woven by hand, with speed and com- 
petency far ahead of civilian units, hun- 
dreds of huge anti-submarine nets; braided 
scores of rope ship fenders, a highly skilled 
process; reconditioned and assembled 
flanges, valves, and other machinery for 
naval vessels; manufactured thousands of 
mattress covers and pillow cases for the 
army and navy; reclaimed hundreds of 
tons of rubber and metal covered copper 
wire and cable salvaged from damaged 
warships; produced thousands of steel com- 
partment feeding trays for the navy; trim- 
med thirty Christmas trees for Hamilton 
Field General Hospital; made hundreds of 
model planes for pre-flight training of army 
and navy pilots; produced a multitude of 
splints, stretchers, and other supplies for 
the Red Cross. In all, they have manufac- 
tured war materials to the value of $2,550,- 
000. Thirty inmates have received National 
Service Emblems from the government. 
The WPB has named San Quentin as the 
No. 1 prison in volume of war production. 

There are stories attached to some of 


these activities. For example: the jute mill, 
which used to make burlap grain bags for 
farmers, was considered a hell-hole by the 
men. All "fish" newcomers had to serve 
at least a year in it- hard work, noisy ma- 
chines, air full of lint. It was a great day 
when a man was transferred to another 
shop, a punishment to be sent back. But 
when the WPB allowed the prison to take 
on a contract for rovings and string to be 
made into rope for war use, and an appeal 
was made for 400 men to volunteer to 
man the jute mill to capacity, 600 asked 
to be assigned to this toughest spot in the 

Hundreds of men have been paroled to 
shipyards and other war industries and to 
the merchant marine, sailing into combat 
zones. Hundreds more are now training at 
San Quentin in welding, shipfitting, marine 
electrical installation, and marine cooking 
and baking, to prepare them for war work 
after parole. Recently, by an arrangement 
with the International Association of Ma- 

By a well known journalist and author, 
a former Philadelphian who for some 
years has made her home in San Fran- 
cisco. Miss deFord (in private life Mrs. 
Maynard Shipley) contributes articles, 
stories, and verse to current magazines, 
and is the author of several books, in- 
cluding "They Were San Franciscans," 
a volume of biographical sketches, and 
"Who Was When? A Dictionary of 

chinists (AFL), men trained as machinists 
for war plants will be paroled or released 
as full-fledged journeymen. 

Five hundred men helped harvest Cali- 
fornia's vital food crops in 1943; 350 more 
fought forest fires at risk of their lives. This 
past year on urgent request of farmers 
and forest wardens both harvest and for- 
estry camps were reopened and again fully 
manned. Many of these men had never 
left the prison since they entered it, years 
before, and escape would have been easy 
but no one tried to escape. Once an emer- 
gency call came at night. A hundred men 
volunteered to go 300 miles by bus to fight 
a raging forest fire. 

Every Literate Man Pitches In 

The most spectacular job Joe Doakes 
and his fellow-inmates have done thus far 
was putting out War Radon Book No. 3 
to every citizen of California. 

Seven and a half million ration books, 
worth $2,400,000,000, came to San Quentin 
under armed guard, with a motorcycle po- 
lice escort. There they were turned over to 
convicted forgers, thieves, and highway 
robbers. The OPA had allowed 3 percent 
for errors; the errors made were exactly 
1/2,000 of one percent. Once a single book 
was mislaid. The men worked all night 
until it was found, wrongly filed. 

The OPA allowed 58 days for the job. It 

took just 43. An inmate director and his 

inmate assistant worked out an entirely new 

way of handling the job, and proved it 

(Continued on page 46) 


Making bunks for the navy 


Weaving huge anti-submarine nets 

Building assault boats for the armed forces 

How San Quentin earned the title of 
No. 1 prison in volume of war pro- 
duction and turned out essential ma- 
terials valued at 2,550,000. 

Printing emergency signs 

Braiding rope fenders for ships 

far superior to the one the OPA had estab- 
lished. No wonder the OPA cited them. 

Practically every literate man in San 
Quentin was used on this giant unpaid 
task every one a volunteer. In many cases 
men worked a day shift on the ration books 
and then volunteered to do a swing shift 
also. The inmate workers in the prison 
offices, trained office workers, volunteered 
for work on the night shift, carrying on 
their regular jobs all day then working on 
the radon books from 6 P.M. to midnight. 
The end result was a record for the entire 

One human interest story that came out 
of the ration book servicing is too remark- 
able not to be told. Here it is in the words 
of the prisoners' own paper. 

"A man on a prolonged drunken spree 
found, when he finally became sober, that 
his wife and two children had left him 
and he was in jail for cashing worthless 
checks. Sentenced to prison, the first year 
dragged by. He was unable to locate his 
family finally gave up trying. 

"When the OPA ration book project 
began here, he was one of the first to vol- 
unteer. He worked faithfully, and for long 
hours, each day. He had been working 
over a month, when, one day, on top of a 
pile of applications on his table was an 
envelope addressed in familiar handwrit- 
ing. He stared, unbelieving then tore open 
the envelope. 

"The signature on the application was 
that of his wife; the dependents' names, 
those of his children. 

"He wrote to his wife, begged forgive- 
ness. It was given. Today he is a parolee, 
reunited with his loved ones, making good." 

The Best They Can Do 

Up to date, Joe and the rest of the San 
Quentin men have bought more than $525,- 
000 worth of war bonds and stamps. In 
every drive they have doubled the quota 
set for them. Only the men in the camps 
earn money, and all they get is 50 cents a 
day above living expenses. All the money 
men within the prison walls have is from 
the sale of small objects through their 
Hobby Shop, or what is sent them by rela- 
tives or friends to buy tobacco, candy, and 
such small luxuries. 

Those who cannot buy bonds or stamps 
pledge a pint of blood to the mobile unit 
of the Red Cross Blood Bank which visits 
the prison regularly. Here is the pledge 
form they use: 
"A Wounded Soldier 
Any Front 
Dear Soldier: 

Separately, in care of the American Red 
Cross, I am sending you a pint of my blood. 

I would like to be fighting beside you, 
but I am a 4-F so this is the best I can do 
for you. 

The 4-F is because I made a mistake, but 
my mind and body are sound and my heart 
and blood are definitely 1-A. 

I hope you will be able to come home 
soon home to all of us who admire and 
respect you. 

Until then, I'll send you my blood every 
time I have a chance. 

Name No. " 

Up to the time of writing, some 1,500 
inmates have given nearly 3,000 pints of 
blood. Many of them donate regularly every 
eight weeks. Several men already belong 
to the "gallon club" eight pints. The Red 
Cross has awarded San Quentin a certificate 
of appreciation. 

Besides war bonds and stamps, San 
Quentin men paid for 260,000 cigarettes in 
the "Smokes for the Yanks" drive paid, 
in most cases, by going without cigarettes 
themselves. They bought a station wagon 
for the San Rafael Chapter of the Red 
Cross and they subscribed nearly $600 to 
the last March of Dimes. "Give up seven 
ice cream bars, or two jars of peanut butter, 
or a couple of packs of cigs," pleaded the 
prison paper, The San Quentin News. So 
they did. 

Men who had no relatives to name as 
beneficiaries on bonds, for the most part 

Warden Duffy, whom prisoners applaud 

named the Army and Navy Relief Society 
or the Shriners' Hospital for Crippled Chil- 
dren. Several named Alcoholics Anony- 
mous, which has a flourishing branch at 
San Quentin. A Chinese inmate chose Mme. 
Chiang Kai-shek. Jim, who is serving a 
lot of time for multiple bigamy, bought 
four $25 bonds, and named a different 
wife as beneficiary of each! 

But the pay-off in bond beneficiaries may 
be credited to Charles, who is in San Quen- 
tin because he passed a $50 rubber check 
on a Los Angeles barkeep. Came the war 
and this same saloonkeeper found him- 
self convicted of subversive activities, given 
a stiff prison sentence, and ordered to be 
deported to his native Germany after the 
war. So Charles decided to repay his debt. 
He bought a $50 bond and sent it to the 
seditionist, with an accompanying note: 
"When you arrive in Berlin there will be 
plenty of Americans there who will gladly 
cash this for you." 

One elderly inmate, an Italian by birth, 
put his entire life's savings of $4,500 into 
war bonds; and it was honest money, 
earned by hard work before he went wrong. 
He has two sons in the service, one per- 
manently injured at Pearl Harbor. Many 
of these men who have bought bonds to 
the limit of their capacity, who are work- 

ing their heads off on camouflage nets or 
assault boats or rope cargo slings, who 
respond instantly to every appeal for vol- 
unteers for the hardest, dirtiest, most dan- 
gerous tasks, have sons or brothers now 
serving overseas. 

But even those who have not, know bet- 
ter than most men what freedom means. 
They are eager to work for it, to have a 
chance to fight and die for it. They may 
not always have been good citizens. But 
today they are good Americans. 

Changing "the Joint" 

One man has changed San Quentin from 
one of the worst prisons in America to 
one of the very best. He is the warden, 
Clinton T. Duffy. Mr. Duffy is the son of 
a prison guard, brought up in San Quentin 
and familiar with it from childhood. The 
men feel sincerely that he is their friend; 
recently, when he returned from a session 
of the National Prison Congress, there was 
spontaneous applause when he appeared in 
the yard. His weekly column in the well- 
edited prison paper, The San Quentin News, 
is a model of man-to-man frankness and 
fairness. Under his administration, the 
whole spirit of the prison has altered. 

Here is a sample: A Negro boy, sudden- 
ly taken ill, collapsed in the line of in- 
mates waiting in heavy rain to go to the 
mess hall. Instantly the man next him, a 
total stranger, whipped off his raincoat and 
threw it over the boy until he was taken 
to the hospital. An old timer, watching the 
scene, said to no one in particular, "This 
joint has sure changed!" 

In the four years since Mr. Duffy became 
warden, the dungeon and the notorious 
"spot" in the solitary confinement section 
have been abolished, and all corporal pun- 
ishment went with them. An Inmates' De- 
partmental Representative Committee has 
been established, which encourages initia- 
tive and suggestions by inmates; a recent 
contest (with prizes in canteen cards) for 
the best suggestions for use of the war 
bonds bought by the men brought forth 
hundreds of letters. Motion pictures are 
shown weekly, and radio headphones have 
been installed in inmates' quarters. There 
are regular programs, including question- 
answering by the warden, over this "Grey 
Network." The inmates' own weekly radio 
program of music and information is about 
to start its sixth series over the Mutual 
Network, on a national hook-up. 

All this is in addition to the war mate- 
rial contracts, the establishment of the har- 
vest and forestry camps, the expansion of 
educational, athletic, health, and religious 
activities, the building up of the weekly 
News and the immense improvement in 
the meals, once a prime source of trouble. 
Whether it is in the rehabilitation of a 
discouraged man by means of plastic sur- 
gery, the fostering of an active branch of 
Alcoholics Anonymous, or the encourage- 
ment of a flourishing Hobby Shop where 
men may sell the things they make in 
spare hours, the influence of Warden Duffy 
is felt everywhere in San Quentin. But 
surely he has done no greater thing than 
to help Joe Doakes to realize himself as a 
patriotic American. 



On the Calendar of Our Consciences 

The promise and the pitfalls we confront in drafting anti-discriminatory 
legislation that will square with principles we have held aloft in the war. 


of the new Congress but of the grist of 
legislatures meeting this year, is the call for 
measures to outlaw discrimination 
whether in employment or in union mem- 
bership on account of race, color, creed 
or national origin. 

Creative proposals to establish such a 
legal basis for carrying over into industrial 
relations the standards acclaimed in our 
Bill of Rights failed of enactment in 1944. 
This was true under both a Democratic 
administration at Washington and a Re- 
publican administration at Albany. 

In New York, the passage of such a law 
now appears certain in 1945. In his mes- 
sage in January, Gov. Thomas E. Dewey 
heralded the legislation which has since 
been submitted by the Temporary State 
Commission Against Discrimination. "The 
need for action in this field of human rela- 
tions," he declared, "is imperative." 
Whether other states Pennsylvania and 
Illinois are examples will follow suit de- 
pends, to a large extent, upon the coordi- 
nated efforts of their minority groups 
church, liberal, and labor. 

Federal enactment in 1945 hangs, in 
turn, on active interest among these same 
groups the country over. Representative 
Charles La Follette (R. Ind.) introduced in 
the House on January 3 a bill to make the 
Fair Employment Practice Committee a 
permanent agency. While Director of War 
Mobilization James F. Byrnes failed to men- 
tion the necessity for such an agency in 
his New Year's Day statement on man- 
power, PM's Washington bureau later told 
of a conference between the President and 
Chairman Malcolm Ross of the FEPC in 
which Mr. Roosevelt was reported to have 
held that the passage of this bill is "impera- 

On the congressional stage, however, the 
prospect is clouded by bitter opposition 
among not a few representatives of south- 
ern states and by likely recourse to filibuster 
in the Senate. 

This drive for legislation registers mount- 
ing American concern to reconcile a deep 
spiritual conflict between our ideals and 
our practices. It confronts, also, practical 
obstacles in attempting to secure adequate 
machinery for coping with a complex eco- 
nomic situation. 

Americans Face Our Dilemma 

Under the impact of war and resistance 
to the Nazi creed of racial superiority, we 
have come to recognize the existence of 
what Gunnar Myrdal has described as "An 
American Dilemma." That is the title of 
his own concluding volume, crystallizing 
the comprehensive survey of "The Negro 
in American Life" carried out under the 


By a justice of the Domestic Relations 
Court of New York. Judge Justine Wise 
Polier saw earlier service as counsel to 
the City's Emergency Relief Bureau and 
as referee in the Workmen's Compensa- 
tion Division of the State Department of 
Labor. And 

By a specialist in administrative law, 
who has recently returned to private 
practice from federal service as director 
of enforcement of the Fuel, Automotive 
and Consumer Durable Goods Division, 
Office of Price Administration. 

In this article, the authors who in 
private life are Mr. and Mrs. Shad 
Polier focus their insight and experi- 
ence on a momentous and developing 
field in applied democracy. 

sponsorship of the Carnegie Corporation. 

This distinguished Swedish scholar, 
chosen as director of the study for the 
very detachment of his approach, exposes 
the root problem in our treatment of all 
minority groups. We shall never again be 
unmindful that, as he puts it, this is "a 
problem in the heart of the American. It 
is there the decisive struggle goes on." 

Mr. Myrdal drives home that the Amer- 
ican dilemma is the ever-raging conflict be- 
tween our American creed of liberty and 
equality, of justice and fair opportunity for 
everybody and our everyday conduct and 
feelings. In varying degrees, in different 
communities, he found this conflict raging 
within Americans, no less tfyan between 
Americans. It does not concern the Negro 
alone. All minority groups are involved: 
here Jews; there Catholics; elsewhere 
Mexicans; and so on. 

The war has sharpened our sense of this 
conflict. We have seen on a worldwide 
screen how hatred and war are bred by the 
destruction, subjugation or humiliation of 
human beings by reason of race or color, 
creed or national origin; how they threaten 
the well-being of people everywhere. Our 
sense of guilt is deepened because in fight- 
ing the war our country had need for all 
Americans; has called to them; and has 
received their vigor and skills in industry, 
their valor on the battlefront. We realize 
that in mustering and waging war we have 
given our promise, implicit if not explicit, 
that the United States means to live up to 
its creed. 

New York a Testing Ground 

While by no means entirely typical of 
the situation elsewhere, significance is to be 
found in considering the attitudes of the 
people of New York State and efforts there 
to ban discrimination. To be found, also, 
in scanning alternative bills offered for their 

consideration in 1944 and in 1945 and the 
reception accorded these. At the same 
time, analyses of recent public opinion polls 
throw light nationally on the attitudes of 
white Americans toward Negroes; and 
light, also, on the old controversy as to the 
relative merits of education vs. legislation 
as means for bringing improvement about. 

There is increasing evidence that public 
opinion in New York today is determined 
that the problem of discrimination shall be 
dealt with firmly. The ghosts of riots in 
Harlem have never been laid. Nor have 
sensational newspaper accounts obscured 
the fact that at the bottom of such clashes 
lie disparities in economic opportunity. 

New York City itself, like several other 
large urban communities, might almost be 
said to be made up of minority groups, 
each having a vital stake in eliminating 
discrimination. Whatever their competitive 
drives for self-preferment, they have come 
to recognize their common helplessness 
without the intervention of government. 

These conditions are not new. Over the 
years, piecemeal laws have been enacted by 
the New York legislature prohibiting dis- 
crimination in state and municipal employ- 
ment. More recently public utilities have 
been placed in the same category. Dis- 
crimination has been "outlawed" in hotels, 
theaters, stores, and other establishments 
which hold themselves out to serve the 

In a few instances, individuals have 
been aggressive enough to press these rights 
by suits at law only to be awarded amounts 
so small as to rob them of even token sig- 
nificance. Violations of legislatively de- 
clared civil rights have gone unchecked 
because of an utter lack of machinery to 
cope with them. Violators of these rights 
have regarded the laws as a nuisance, the 
risk of prosecution or suit as simply an- 
other expense of doing business. Mean- 
while, there has been resort to subterfuges 
which achieve the appearance of non-dis- 
crimination while still accomplishing the 
opposite result. 

First Drafts As Yardsticks 

Against this background, two bills were 
prepared by a distinguished committee of 
citizens appointed by Governor Dewey un- 
der the chairmanship of Alvin Johnson, 
director of The New School. Last spring, 
one bill proposed establishment of a bureau 
in the office of the State Attorney General, 
to investigate violations of the anti-discrim- 
ination statutes already in existence, to hold 
public hearings and to prosecute violators. 

Coming to grips with fundamentals, a 
second bill was drawn so as to 

declare the opportunity to obtain em- 
ployment, without discrimination because 



of race, color, creed or national origin, to 
be a civil right; 

declare illegal any discrimination in 
employment or union membership on such 

prohibit employment agencies from 
participating in such illegal practices; 

establish a commission to administer 
these newly declared civil rights. 

This bill was grounded on the precedents 
established in federal and state Labor Re- 
lations Acts which provide for protection of 
wage earners in their right to organize and 
bargain collectively. Let us look at the 
pattern. Under it, the commission would 
have been empowered not only to hold 
hearings upon complaints of discrimination 
but, if it found the charges sustained, to 
issue remedial orders enforceable in the 
courts. To that end the commission would 
have been authorized to require both the 
cessation of the discriminatory conduct and 
the correction of the injury already done. 
Persons denied employment, discharged, or 
refused promotion could be ordered hired, 
reinstated, or advanced and given wages 
lost as a result of their employers' -illegal 

Similarly, the commission would have 
been empowered to order a union to cease 
refusing membership because of a worker's 
race, color, creed or national origin, and 
could require the elimination of Jim Crow 
locals. Failure to obey the order of the 
commission, when backed by a court de- 

cree, was to be made a contempt and, there- 
fore, punishable by fine or imprisonment. 

To the disappointment of many citizens, 
Governor Dewey declined to support the 
bills without further study. Resignations 
from the committee followed and, with 
legislative sanction, he appointed a Tem- 
porary State Commission Against Discrim- 
ination under the chairmanship of Irving 
M. Ives, majority leader of the Assembly, 
who for seven years has been chairman of 
the New York State Joint Legislative Com- 
mittee on Industrial and Labor Relations.* 

The Second Drafts 

At a series of committee hearings held 
by the new Temporary Commission, be- 
ginning in December, the public was given 
an opportunity to criticize or endorse drafts 
of "tentative proposals" for legislation. 

The two proposals followed in general 
the lines laid down by the governor's earlier 
committee. Certain variations, however, 
introduced serious administrative defects. 

Thus, in what might be termed the At- 
torney General Bill, the provision for a 
separate bureau in his office was eliminated. 
This would avoid budgetary responsibility 
and no staff of specialists would be created 
who could truly make the enforcement of 
these civil rights a state no less than a 
county concern. Moreover, the right of the 

*Sec "Blazing New Legislative Trails," by Phillips 
Bradley Survey Graphic, May 1944. 


The National Urban League has established a new award to be bestowed periodically upon in- 
dividuals who have made outstanding contributions in promoting interracial good will. The 
award will be in the form of a portrait medal of L. Hollingsworth Wood and Eugene Kinckle 
Jones a tribute to the long and productive association of these two men, one white, the other 
Negro, in the league's work. 

The photograph shows the president of the league, William H. Baldwin, holding the mas- 
ter medal; and, left to right, the Negro sculptor, Richmond Barthe, who made the design, 
Mr. Wood and Mr. Jones. 

Attorney General to prosecute was made 
conditional upon his finding that a local 
district attorney had refused or was un- 
able to institute criminal proceedings. This 
would basically weaken enforcement. To 
provide that an Attorney General must first 
supersede local authorities might well, as a 
matter of practical politics, mean that he 
would seldom act at all. 

In what might be termed the Unfair 
Employment Practice Bill (far the more 
important of the two drafts) the oppor- 
tunity to obtain employment without dis- 
crimination because of race, creed, color, or 
national origin was recognized as a civil 
right and declared to be such. 

The draft forbade discriminatory employ- 
ment practices based on race, color, creed 
or national origin on the part of private 
employers, employment agencies, and labor 
unions. (Unfortunately, exempted from 
this prohibition were social clubs, fraternal, 
charitable, educational, and religious asso- 
ciations or corporations not organized for 
private profit, farmers not employing more 
than three employes and employers of 

A State Commission Against Discrimina- 
tion was provided for to receive, investigate, 
and pass on complaints alleging such dis- 
crimination. It was also authorized to create 
citizen advisory agencies and conciliation 
councils local or otherwise; these to be com- 
posed of citizens serving without pay to aid 
in effectuating the purpose of the proposed 
legislation. The commission might empower 
such bodies to study the problems of dis- 
crimination in all or specific fields of 
human relations and to foster through com- 
munity effort good will between various 
groups in the population. 

To the extent that this constituted a rec- 
ognition of the need for education and citi- 
zen action at the local level it was sound. 
However, the permissive note and vague 
language employed as to the powers of such 
councils left much to be desired even by 
those who believe that education and action 
in communities should be under the direc- 
tion of the permanent Commission Against 

Among the unfair employment practices 
forbidden to employers or employment 
agencies were discriminations in any aspect 
of the employment relationships question- 
ing job applicants about their race, color, 
creed or national origin, publishing dis- 
criminatory help-wanted ads or discrimi- 
nating because any person has opposed any 
unlawful employment practice or has as- 
sisted in any proceeding under the Act. 

Labor organizations were forbidden to 
exclude or expel from membership, or to 
discriminate in any way against any of their 
members because of their race, creed, color 
or national origin. 

Some Flaws 

In its proposed form the draft, however, 
included administrative provisions that 
seriously threaten the effectiveness of the 
proposed legislation. The following are the 
most significant: 

1. Both National and New York State 
(Continued on page 78) 





Lee for FSA 

Men gather at the neighborhood bar for sociability, for "a quick one," sometimes linger to "have another," and another 

Roads to Alcoholism 

A psychiatrist tells what alcoholism is, and what social pressures of sex, 
background, occupation, personality cause a human being to drink to excess. 

separation, they do not celebrate, as they 
reminisce nostalgically, by drinking some 
chloral together. There is no song which 
honors in a lusty chorus the stimulating 
charms of strychnine. Men do not brag 
of the amount of aspirin they can take with- 
out reeling around the room or stuporously 
slipping under the table. No one tells his 
friends with pride that he was slightly sick, 
in fact somewhat "stinko," the night before 
because he swallowed too many pheno- 
barbitals. Ships are not launched by break- 
ing bottles of chloroform upon their bows; 
nor are the kings, presidents, and rulers of 
great countries toasted by groups of men 
who spring to their feet, clink together 
glasses filled with paraldehyde and drink 
the contents down to demonstrate the mo- 
mentary unity and mutual love of their re- 
spective nations. 

The Incidence of Alcoholism 

This emphasizes what I have stated many 
times, that the main differences between al- 
coholism and other drug addictions are first, 
the singular effects of alcohol and, second, 
the consequent social pressure put on hu- 
man beings in our Western civilization to 
drink and to drink to excess. When we 


study the cultural and biologic distribution 
of alcoholism, we discover two primary and 
directing facts. 

First, there is a predominant sexual dis- 
tribution males are addicted to alcohol- 
ism about seven times as frequently as are 
females, although there is about the same 
distribution of neurosis and psychosis in 
males and females. In fact, there are some- 
what more depressions and more states of 
anxiety and inferiority in the female than 
in the male, so that if the addiction to al- 
cohol rested primarily on a neurotic or 
psychotic basis, the facts of its sexual distri- 
bution would be entirely mystifying and in- 
comprehensible. But if we think of alcohol 

By the clinical professor of psychiatry 
in the Harvard Medical School, who is 
also director of research in the Boston 
State Hospital and a member of the 
Massachusetts State Committee on Re- 
search in Mental Health. 

Dr. Myerson's searching article on the 
drug addiction we call alcoholism is 
based on the paper he presented at the 
Symposium on Alcoholism conducted by 
the Research Council on Problems of 
Alcohol in Cleveland in the fall. 

addiction as having one of its main roots 
in social pressure and in social tradition, 
with urging and forbidding as twin and 
ambivalent factors, the explanation of the 
lesser addiction among females is under- 
standable, since alcoholism in .women is 
looked upon with more abhorrence and 
less smiling tolerance, and there is far less 
pressure put on the female to drink than 
on the male. 

Second, as has been pointed out else- 
where, there is an even more important 
racial-social distribution. Thus it has been 
noted for many years that the Jews have 
little or no alcoholism. Though most Jews 
drink somewhat and some drink to excess, 
yet the records of arrest, admissions to hos- 
pitals for alcoholism, and the incidence of 
alcoholic psychoses everywhere show a 
marked and extraordinary immunity of the 
Jew from alcohol addiction However, a 
study of the men who come before the se- 
lective service induction boards shows a 
racial-social distribution which makes the 
singularity of the Jew less impressive. 

There are few alcoholics among the 
Italian-Americans, although Italians have 
been busily engaged in the process of man- 
ufacturing and distributing alcohol for a 
long time; and further, few of the de- 



scendants of the peoples who come from 
the Mediterranean littoral are alcoholics. 
It is as we press upward and northward 
to the British Isles and to Scandinavia that 
we find a heavy incidence of alcoholism in 
the descendants of the people who come 
from these countries. Throughout the 
United States the incidence of alcoholism 
and the alcoholic psychoses is greatest 
among the people who come from the 
British Isles and especially among the Irish- 
Americans, with a liberal sprinkling of 
alcoholism among people from Norway, 
Denmark, and the Slavic countries, as well 
as from parts of Germany. Yet no one, I 
think, will maintain that the Irish have a 
greater incidence of nervous and mental 
disturbance than have the Jews. They cer- 
tainly do not suffer more from anxiety or 
inferiority feelings. They do not have more 
anguish of spirit from which they long to 
escape. (It may be stated that to be a 
Jew is not only to have an anxiety neuro- 
sis but almost to be one.) 

It is relevant to point out that it is un- 
der the tremendous change in social psy- 
chological pressure which takes place when 
primitive peoples become enmeshed in and 
enslaved by Western civilization that alco- 
holism sometimes becomes almost universal. 
Ruth Bunzel paints a moving and shame- 
ful picture of the lot of the Central Ameri- 
can Indians when they became helots on 
the plantations and in the mines of their 
Spanish masters, and a deliberate and 
planned alcoholism was foisted on the en- 
slaved population to perpetuate their deg- 
radation and thus maintain their subordina- 

Furthermore, certain clinical facts which 
are of importance bear on the problem of 
the relationship of the neuroses and psy- 
choses to alcoholism. It is stated that 
people who are depressed drink excessively; 
yet it is a common occurrence that when a 
man who has been a heavy drinker de- 
velops a depression, he may remain entirely 
sober because for the first time he gets no 
pleasure, no kick, no thrill from alcohol. 
He is only made sick by drinking and 
without any compensating mental state. I 
think there are more depressed people who 
stop drinking than people who drink to 
excess because of depression. 

What Alcoholism Is 

If one considers alcohol addiction as a 
final goal to which many roads lead, a 
classification of alcoholism must be made 
so as to orient thinking and differentiate 
the treatment of the individual alcoholic. 

Alcoholism is somewhat like murder in 
this respect: A man may commit murder 
as a social right because his community re- 
gards the avenging of a private wrong by 
personal punishment as laudable. In the 
early history of mankind, killing in this 
way was no crime. And, in many extant 
communities, to kill because one must be 
one's own agent for vengeance is still 
praised and so has the urgent potency of 
the mores behind it. Thus we have a so- 
cial-cultural background for murder. A 
man may kill through emotional disturb- 
ance and in the heat of individual battle. 
This is the most familiar type of killing. 


Another may take life in pursuance of 
some other criminal act such as robbery. 
His intent may not be to murder at all, 
but the murder flows out of the situation 
and is incidental to the crime motivation 
as a whole. A man may commit murder 
because he is deluded, has ideas of perse- 
cution, dementia praecox, general paresis or 
some other mental disease. And finally, a 
man may commit murder because he is 
so low in the intellectual scale that he does 
not know the difference between right and 
wrong and has not been able to assimilate 
the cultural ideology in this respect. The 
same act killing may thus be approached, 
so far as motivation and psychological 
causation is concerned, by many roads. And 
many roads lead to alcoholism. 

The escape motivation of alcoholic in- 
dulgence has been worked to death and 
has become a psychiatric and social cliche. 
Men drink to celebrate a past, present or 
coming event. Some seek the good will 
and esteem of others in a combination of 
social propitiation and self-glorification or 
exhibitionism; thus vanity is one of the 
great sources of the motives for drinking. 
Others drink to alleviate fear, sorrow, fa- 
tigue, and boredom the Four Horsemen 
of the Weary Spirit; a few to dissolve the 
shackles of the Brooding Self; and finally 
most, because it is the inexorably pressing 
"thing to do." Out of the primary social, 
racial, sexual predilection and pressure, 
without which there is no alcoholism, some 
find their way to addiction. 

Social Pressures 

Again, what are these roads to alcohol- 
ism P There is, first of all, a cultural pat- 
tern which does not frown effectively on 
the most important road to alcoholism 
heavy drinking and which even tends to 
encourage it. At the same time, another 
cultural pattern disavows heavy drinking, 
punishes it, regards it as evil, unhygienic, 
and so on. This conflict of social attitudes 
I have described elsewhere as the social 
ambivalence towards alcoholism. In some 
racial-social groups there is very little am- 
bivalence. The group is very definitely 
against alcoholism. This is the case of the 

In other groups the pressure towards 
heavy drinking is strongly based socially 
and has a long history. This, in my opin- 
ion, is the case among the people of north- 
ern Europe. It is noteworthy that the only 
groups which included drunkenness and 
fighting in their concept of paradise were 
the Germanic peoples. In Valhalla the 
heroes fought all day, then were carried 
back by the Valkyrie to Valhalla, were 
miraculously cured of their wounds and 
spent the night in an orgy of drinking. 
Nothing is said about what happened to 
the Valkyrie. Thus, among the northern 
peoples, to drink heavily was considered a 
sign of manhood, and the capacity to carry 
alcohol so well as to drink the other con- 
testant under the table is enshrined in 
legends, sayings, and injunctions as the 
mark of the gentleman. 

There is therefore a social pressure in 
many communities and racial-social groups 
which favors heavy drinking, which makes 

it a proof of virility, which gives it the 
sanction of ceremony, and finally establishes 
it by the greatest of social powers cus- 
tom. This social pressure does not operate 
equally on all persons, just as the trend 
towards learning and the praise of war do 
not operate equally to make scholars and 
soldiers of the various members of the 
population. Nevertheless, social pressure 
must never be forgotten as a factor in the 
development of heavy drinking, which in 
its turn becomes the main road to alcohol- 

It must be asserted that most "heavy 
drinkers" remain relatively normal, how- 
ever foolish and deplorable it may be to 
drink too frequently and too much. So 
long as a man drinks socially, does not 
damage his physical health, does not lose 
much time from his work, does not sink 
from the social and economic position to 
which he has risen, does not loosen the 
ties which bind him to friends and family, 
he is not yet a true alcoholic. 

Put more psychologically and somati- 
cally, alcoholism appears mainly as the out- 
growth of heavy drinking. Here I use 
some of the criteria which Robert Seliger, 
the Johns Hopkins psychiatrist, uses to 
mark the transition from drinking to al- 
coholism: when the morning after finds 
the drinker so tremulous and disorganized 
that he feels an urgent need for the all too 
transiently steadying drink; when he must 
use alcohol for a prop in the pressing daily 
occasions when doubt, frustration, fatigue, 
and monotony assail him in short, when 
pleasure is supplanted by craving, and de- 
privation brings out the zestless restless- 
ness of the drug addict. The sensible 
drinker seeks a mild euphoria and an easier 
access to other pleasures; the alcoholic has 
lost other roads to euphoria and seeks 
anesthesia as the Good of his existence. 

Who Becomes an Addict? 

Within the ever present framework of 
the social pressure as manifested by sex, 
racial-social status, as well as by occupa- 
tion, who becomes the heavy drinker is a 
relevant question. My impression is that 
the man with the delusive gift of a metab- 
olism that withstands alcohol well, who 
does not easily become sick or adversely 
affected, and who in 'the earlier periods of 
his life quickly builds up a tolerance for 
increasing doses of this drug, is in danger 
of alcohol addiction through the road of 
heavy drinking. Conversely, the man who 
becomes dull, dazed, dizzy by a drink or 
two, whose metabolism is such that he 
"gets nothing out of it" but the unpleasant, 
and who finds on repeated experience and 
experiment that he cannot build up a real 
tolerance, does not become a heavy drink- 

This is not different from the mental 
and physical reactions to other drugs. Some 
people are adversely excited by morphine; 
for some the usual euphoria of benzedrine 
is replaced by an agitated depression; and 
the chemical idiosyncrasy of the finer and 
hidden structures of people produce either 
allergy or tolerance to everything chemical 
from the barbiturates to strawberries. 

When we come down to immediate 


factors in the creation of addiction, it seems 
to me we may state the case somewhat as 
follows: It is difficult to isolate the per- 
sonality types who become alcoholic, yet it 
is probable that certain personality types do 
1 become alcoholic more frequently than 
1 others. I think the "unorganized extro- 
I vert" becomes an alcoholic very readily. 
| This is the individual who remains on a 
I frank level of hedonism without the de- 
ll velopment of sentiment, whose energies are 
I expended without engrossing and fixed pur- 
!: pose, who drifts in the present moment, 
I not governed by the past or directed by a 
I future. 

I do not think that the hobo, the com- 
\ plete example of this type, is a hobo be- 
cause of his addiction to alcohol. I think 
his addiction to alcohol is part of the same 
I general trend which has led to his becom- 
i ing a hobo. He has not built up an or- 
I ganized self. He has no fixed attachment 
!, to a woman, so he does not marry. He has 
no loyalty to a locale, so he migrates from 
place to place. He has no developed skill, 
j because he is not industrious and follows 
j itinerant occupations merely to get enough 
;j to sustain life and to obtain alcohol in any 
form. He drinks to excess because he has 
.; nothing to keep him sober. There is no 
inner inhibition against alcoholism. He 
i does not belong to any social or religious 
: group which is against alcoholism, because 
I he is not a joiner or a church-goer. The 
I positive social pressure towards alcohol in- 
i dulgence operates without let or hindrance. 
The unorganized extroverts, of whom 
the hobo is merely the extreme example, 
become the "sot" drinkers, who drink with- 
j out fastidiousness or ceremony, who gather 
together in alleyways, in lonely cabins along 
the river or in the woods, and pass the 
j bottle around. But the sot needs no com- 
j panionship for his drinking, and in his 
; case John Barleycorn has nothing to fear 
j from Venus. All other hedonistic striving 
I becomes stilled when alcoholism becomes 

A second type of alcoholic is by his in- 
trinsic nature the opposite of the unor- 
ganized extrovert. Here we encounter the 
unfortunate who has what I call the "so- 
cial anxiety neurosis." Meeting with his 
fellow men fills him with dread. He can- 
not face their scrutiny without stammer- 
ing, inner tremor, or somatic disturbance 
of one type or another. Yet he yearns ar- 
dently to be one with his fellows and to be 
at ease in social relationship. Except un- 
der the influence of alcohol he finds this 
impossible to do. Without alcohol he gets 
shoved into a corner, lonely and miserable. 
With alcohol his fear is assuaged. His 
obsessive self-consciousness disappears, and 
the alcohol either releases a latent self-con- 
fidence or paralyzes the paralyzing inhibi- 
tions. So he becomes bold and feels him- 
self capable of holding up his end with his 
fellows. His tongue becomes loosened, and 
thus relieves him of one of his main diffi- 
culties, which is that he can find nothing 
to talk about. Alcohol makes him voluble 
by releasing his repressed loquacity. He 
becomes friendly, sociable, and free. 

Since the social anxiety neurosis is usu- 
ally a chronic mental state, it is easy to see 


that in some cases those who belong to 
racial-cultural groups which do not frown 
on alcoholism and, in addition, who toler- 
ate alcohol fairly well alcohol addiction 
readily develops as a final phase of a social 

Three Types of Spree Drinking 

There are three types of spree drinking 
of interest and importance. In all spree 
drinking there is usually prior heavy drink- 
ing, then complete or comparative sobriety, 
and then a debauch starts which goes on 
day and night until the hospital, the jail, 
or occasionally death ends the frenzied 

One type seems linked either to a re- 
curring depression or the beginning of a 
manic attack, and is thus not so much true 
alcoholism as symptomatic of manic-de- 
pressive psychosis leading either to a mental 
anguish for which anesthesia is sought, or 
else to an extreme recklessness and flam- 
boyance of spirit which use the medium of 
alcohol for a fantastic exhibitionistic cele- 

The second variety is the "reaction to 
trouble and frustration" spree. This is not 
merely getting drunk to forget or escape; 
it is a cycle of increasing tempo and can 
only be stopped forcibly by outer power or 
by delirium tremens, or neuritis, or pneu- 
monia, to cite a few of the effective red 
lights. As a rule, this kind of spree drink- 
er is ordinarily a restrained drinker one 
who has to keep himself in check to remain 
reasonably sober. Then comes what one of 
them designated as the pu;h-over, "the 
to-hell-with-it" event and the spree is on. 

The third type is entirely baffling in its 
stark periodic alcoholism. There is no 
mental disease, and there is no trouble. 
Fear, worry, fatigue, boredom, none of these 
is evident either to the man himself or to 
those about him. Between sprees he drinks 
not at all and refuses the ever-recurring 
invitation, "What will you have," firmly, 
good-naturedly, and without any feeling of 
temptation. Suddenly and after a brief 
inner battle, he takes the fatal first drink, 
and then there is set going by an inexorable 
mechanism a feverish debauch in barrooms 
and hotel rooms, with a finale in hospital, 
jail or morgue. Usually this dipsomaniac, 
as the older literature termed him, has 
been a heavy drinker who finally reaches 
abstinence, but thereafter remains on a 
pharmacological all-or-none principle. 

Jobs and Alcohol 

One of the roads to alcoholism is through 
occupation. That the job selects the man 
is a phase of economics not sufficiently 
stressed by economists and social scientists. 
There are certain occupations which de- 
mand "high pressure" of those who engage 
in them. The worker has to be quick, 
aggressive, enthusiastic; he has to over- 
cqme resistance by a forcible front; he has 
to match wits and ply argument; and espe- 
cially he has to entertain the customer. 
So alcohol is used as a means of entertain- 
ment, social union, and to bring about that 
affability by which deals are made. 

I cite merely one occupation of many 
in which heavy drinking is almost de- 


manded and so is common, thus readily 
becoming metamorphized into alcohol ad- 
diction. The big city salesman or agent in 
a competitive business entertains his cus- 
tomers and especially those who come from 
rural districts and small towns to combine 
business with free pleasure. And drinking 
permeates all such entertainment. To the 
customer the debauch becomes a pleasant 
or regretful episode; to the salesman it is 
part of a dangerous career. Dangerous, 
that is, to men of some races and not to 
others, to men who lack the full natural 
vitality and to whom alcohol furnishes the 
fuel for an artificial and dangerous pres- 
sure. Wherever "personality" is demanded 
as part of the selling process, in the profes- 
sions as well as in business, and wherever 
entertainment is a part or the whole of 
the transaction in short, where personality 
or sociability become unduly emphasized, 
alcohol addiction becomes the lot of a dis- 
proportionate number of men and women. 
It is very easy to classify the alcoholic as 
a constitutional psychopathic inferior, and 
to commit the logical error of circular 
reasoning, namely, the alcoholic is a con- 
stitutional psychopathic inferior because he 
drinks to excess, and he drinks to excess 
because he is a constitutional psychopathic 
inferior. The evidence of abnormal per- 
sonality among prohibitionists needs to be 
studied as a counterbalance to the study of 
the personality of alcoholics. In the one 
case, the negative social pressure in respect 
to drinking has won the day; whereas, in 
the case of the alcoholic, the positive social 
pressure has become victorious. 


The roads to alcoholism are many, but 
they are always offshoots of the highway of 
social-racial custom and tradition. The 
treatment of the individual case has at this 
time some twenty varieties, ranging from 
Alcoholics Anonymous and frank religious 
exhortation to spinal fluid drainage, benze- 
drine sulfate and the conditioned reflex, not 
forgetting psychoanalysis, psychothera- 
peutics, and shock therapy. 

Whoever wishes ardently to prevent al- 
coholism will need the heart of a lion, the 
wiliness of the serpent, and the guileless- 
ness of the dove. He will meet head on 
not only the terrific power of tradition and 
custom, but also the power of great indus- 
tries as they fight for the sale of a danger- 
ous product a drug by advertising cam- 
paigns and the corruption of legislatures. 
Not only all this, but he who seeks to 
bring about a reasonably drinking society 
will sooner or later find that he has to 
deal with the structure of a somewhat 
crazy society a society riddled with the in- 
justices of bad working conditions, miser- 
able slums, the twin evils of poverty and of 
unearned wealth, of insecurity and unem- 
ployment, and the hectic atmosphere of en- 
hanced sensuality and luxury-seeking. In 
short, in order to prevent men and women 
from the false euphoria and the unquiet 
anesthesia of alcohol addiction, he must 
become more than physician and psychia- 
trist; he must take on the task of the so- 
cial reformer. 


"An Ordinary American 

The Japanese Americans in the U. S. army have a living symbol 
of Uncle Sam he's a youngish Mississippian named Earl Finch. 

entage, who had lost a leg in Italy, lay in 
the army's Walter Reed Hospital longing 
for his family and friends in Hawaii. Sud- 
denly he saw approach his bedside a pleas- 
ant faced man wearing a pineapple printed 
Hawaiian shirt. "That shirt looked won- 
derful," he now relates, "but when the 
man told me his name, I was so excited 
I nearly jumped out of bed without my 

The soldier had never seen Earl Finch 
before, but he had heard hundreds of 
stories about him. To meet him in person 
was like receiving a visitor from home. 

For, Earl M. Finch, soft-spoken, reticent, 
southern businessman and farmer, is the 
hero of American soldiers of Japanese an- 
cestry. His name is revered by the several 
thousands of them now fighting in Italy 
and France, by the hundreds lying wound- 
ed in army hospitals in this country, and 
by their families, many of whom are still 
in relocation centers. This hero worship 
has resulted from only one cause friend- 
ship. It has spread like a flame in the year 
and a half since the quiet southerner began 
to spend most of his time and much of 
his money befriending people, particularly 
soldiers, who are members of what has 
been called the loneliest minority group in 

They Were Lonely Boys 

The object of this mass affection is a 
slight man, somewhere in his middle thir- 
ties, who lives in Hattiesburg, Miss., with 
his father and invalid mother. He owns a 
second-hand furniture establishment, and a 
combination bowling-alley and army goods 
store, as well as a stock farm outside the 
town, and he prefers to be known as a 
farmer rather than a businessman. 

Earl Finch has a hero, too. This is his 
kid brother, now in combat duty in the 
Pacific. When Earl found he was unable 
to get into the army himself, he decided to 
spend the proceeds of his businesses extend- 
ing hospitality to servicemen the kind of 
hospitality he would like to have strangers 
offer his brother. 

He began by introducing himself to 
British and French seamen in New Orleans 
and taking them on short trips to sur- 
rounding points of interest or to night 
clubs. He picked out foreign servicemen 
because he felt that they were the ones 
who needed friendship most. 

Then one day in the summer of 1943 
as he was walking down Hattiesburg's 
main street, he noticed in front of him a 
very small man in an American army uni- 
form much too big for him. The soldier 
lingered at a shop window and Mr. Finch 
saw an Oriental face reflected in the glass. 
"The little man looked so forlorn," said 


Constant reader of the Pacific Citizen, 
lively weekly publication of the Japanese 
American Citizens League, is our asso- 
ciate editor, Kathryn Close. And when 
she found in its pages frequent items 
about Earl Finch, she felt she must know 
more about him. This story of friend- 
ship is the result. 

he when pressed for the story, "that I 
invited him home to supper." 

The soldier came armed with a big 
bunch of American Beauty roses for Mr. 
Finch's mother. After supper, he spent 
hours in pleasant conversation with her. 
"Then I knew I liked him," says her son. 

That was the beginning of an interest 
in Japanese Americans that has gradually 
absorbed more and more of Earl Finch's 
time. The soldier he had entertained was 
a member of a large group of volunteers 
of Japanese ancestry then stationed at Camp 
Shelby. They were lonely boys. Their ad- 
vent to the state had met with a blast from 
a prominent politician that was hardly con- 
ducive to self-assurance in young men who 
since Pearl Harbor had felt themselves 
suspect wherever they went. They shied 
away from the USO clubs after a few ex- 
periences of finding themselves standing 
apart as self-conscious onlookers. They 
avoided the dances at the service clubs in 
the camps, for there were no girls for them. 

Mr. Finch began to take small groups 
of these boys to his home. When he be- 
came familiar with their needs, he decided 
to entertain them in larger numbers. He 
invited 600 to a picnic at his farm, where 
he staged a rodeo, complete with cow- 
punchers, unbroken horses, and all the 
trimmings. At another time, he took out 
300 for a watermelon picnic. When Christ- 
inas came, he bought up all the cigars in 
Hattiesburg and sent them to the boys at 
the camp along with truckloads of fruit 
"mangoes and bananas and things we 
hadn't seen for a long time," says one boy 
trom Hawaii who is still talking about it. 

The Numbers Increase 

But the hospitable southerner was not 
satisfied with what entertainment he could 
offer the soldiers himself. Nearly 300 miles 
from Hattiesburg, at Rohwer, Ark., stands 
one of the War Relocation Authority's 
temporary relocation centers, where there 
are several thousand of the Japanese and 
Americans of Japanese descent who were 
evacuated from their West Coast homes in 
the early months of the war. To Mr. Finch 
its proximity represented an opportunity. 
He got in touch with army service officers 
and arranged for buses to be sent to the 
center (and also to Jerome, Ark., where 
there was another center which has since 

closed) to bring girls for his soldier friends 
to the camp dances. The boys themselves 
paid the expenses and about sixty girls 
came. The experiment was so successful 
that it has been repeated at intervals of two 
or three months ever since. 

He also helped persuade the local United 
Service Organizations council, of which he 
is a member, to cooperate with USO repre- 
sentatives in the establishment in Hatties 
burg of a special club for these soldiers 
where they could feel at home the nov 
popular Aloha USO Club. 

He put up trophies for athletic contest 
on the post and made it possible for the 
boys to go on athletic trips outside the 
camp, sometimes to meet with professionals. 

He arranged for publication, at his own 
expense, of the battle song "Go for Broke," 
(Hawaiian slang for shoot the worlds) writ- 
ten by Pfc. Harry Hamada of the 442nd 
Combat Team and adopted as its official 

With all his efforts to extend opportuni- 
ties for recreation to as many soldiers as 
possible, Earl Finch never lost personal 
touch with the boys. He arranged hotel 
space in New Orleans for those who were 
fortunate enough to have a three-day pass. 
Occasionally he entertained a group by tak- 
ing them to the city. He drove them to 
the relocation centers to see their families 
or friends. 

When the volunteers moved on to Eu- 
ropean battlefronts and were replaced by 
draftees, also of Japanese ancestry, he kept 
in touch with the old crowd by mail and 
made friends with the new. He takes them 
to ball games, giving them parties in his 
home and on his farm, shows them a gay 
time in the city, and does the innumerable 
little things that only a person with a gift 
for friendship can think up. Said a home- 
sick draftee from Hawaii recently: "Earl 
Finch is the only thing that makes spare 
time bearable." 

He seems to have a knack of knowing 
just what the boys need to boost their 
morale. After the announcement of the 
atrocities perpetrated against American 
prisoners of war in the Philippines, the 
Japanese American soldiers at Shelby found 
themselves restricted to the post. They were 
engulfed in gloom until Mr. Finch and 
the USO arranged for a Philippine or- 
chestra from New Orleans to go to the 
camp and entertain them with Hawaiian 
music. The very fact that the Filipinos 
were willing to play for them made the 
boys feel better. 

Their Families and Friends 

The glimpses he caught of the relocation 
centers through visits "home" with the boys 
aroused Mr. Finch's interest in the people 
living in those drab surroundings. Last 



Mr. Finch at Camp Shelby, Miss., distributing trophies to the winning baseball team of the 442nd Combat unit of Nisei volunteers 

spring as Easter approached, he suggested 
to the Japanese Americans at Camp Shelby 
that they do something for the children in 
the Rohwer center, saying he himself would 
put up $300 for candy Easter eggs. Re- 
sponding eagerly to the idea, the men 
raised $2,300. On Easter day, Mr. Finch 
and some of his friends went out to the 
center with 10,000 Easter eggs, a ton of 
candy, 2,000 pints of ice cream, and "doz- 
ens and dozens" of Easter rabbits. They 
took furniture for a camp USO and equip- 
ment for a children's playground. 

This past Christmas he again stimulated 
a children's party at the center and within 
a week had received over 1,200 letters of 
appreciation from the children. In this 
party he was aided by the men of the 171st 
Infantry Battalion, and their special con- 
tribution was furniture for the living room 
of the center's old men's home. 

From the extension of personal hospital- 
ity to neighboring soldiers and their fam- 
ilies, Mr. Finch's interest in Japanese 
American servicemen has turned into a 
full time job. He has traveled 32,000 miles 
in the last year, visiting other camps and 
army hospitals. Last fall he invited 200 
boys from Camp Fannin, Tex., to be his 
guests at a football game in nearby Tyler. 
He took a Japanese Hawaiian orchestra, 
composed of boys on furlough from Camp 
Shelby, on a trip to several hospitals around 
the country to entertain men of every race, 
wounded in France and Italy. Only a few 
days ago he gave a party in a New York 
hotel for 150 men Japanese, Chinese, 
Hawaiian all American soldiers on fur- 
lough in the city. 

His main concern now is with the 


wounded with all wounded soldiers but 
especially those of Japanese descent. Re- 
cently he invited five Japanese Americans, 
on furlough from the Walter Reed Hos- 
pital in Washington, to accompany him to 
New York for a "good time." One had 
lost a leg, one an arm, two had lost eyes, 
one was recovering from bullet wounds 
(he holds a Distinguished Service Cross), 
but they all were in high spirits as they 
"did the town" with their friend. 

There is one responsibility that Mr. 

Finch has taken upon himself that he finds 
very difficult. This is visiting the relocation 
centers to see families of men who have 
been killed in battle. 

"Can you imagine what it's like to call 
on men and women who are behind barbed 
wire and try to help them find comfort in 
the fact that their son died for his coun- 
try?" he asks. But whenever he hears of a 
Japanese American boy's death and there 
have been many he makes it a point to 
get in touch with the soldier's family. 

and as joint host with Japanese American soldiers at a Relocation Center party 


There is an air of earnestness about Earl 
Finch that sometimes seems almost tense, 
but again is relieved by a twinkle of fun. 
It is as though he were being driven by 
some moral urge into more and more 
feverish activity, but with it all was enjoy- 
ing himself tremendously. His manner is 
somewhat nervous one is never sure when 
he is going to hop up and move about the 
room, or even walk out in the midst of a 

In appearance there is little that would 
make him stand out in a crowd. He is 
slim, pale, baldish, with blue eyes and a 
pleasant smile. Somehow he combines a 
provincial simplicity with the assurance of 
a man of the world. New Orleans, Wash- 
ington, New York are as familiar to him as 
his native Hattiesburg. Yet there is a 
genuine shyness about him and a tendency 
to blush. 

They "Go for Broke" 

Anyone interviewing him finds it hard 
to learn much about Earl Finch. But one 
learns a lot about American soldiers of 
Japanese ancestry, for Mr. Finch manages 
repeatedly to turn the subject to "our boys." 

He tells of their heroic exploits indi- 
vidually and as a group and of the kind 
of people they are. He tells of the 100th 
Infantry Battalion, composed entirely of 

Hawaiians of Japanese descent, and how 
they participated in the landings at Salerno 
and in every major action in Italy since; 
of the 1,000 Purple Hearts among the 
original 1,300 men of this group; of the 
numerous citations won by individuals of 
the battalion by July there were eleven 
Distinguished Service Crosses, forty-four 
Silver Stars, thirty-one Bronze Stars, and 
three Legion of Merit decorations, and there 
have been many since. (The group has 
been called "one of the most decorated 
units of its size in American military his- 
tory.") He tells of the 442nd Combat 
Team, formed when the army called for 
4,500 Japanese American volunteers from 
Hawaii and the mainland "and got 10,000"; 
of how last summer four days after enter- 
ing the front lines in Italy, men of this 
group had advanced fifty miles, some of 
them getting so far ahead of supply lines 
that they had to go without food for 
twenty-four hours; of how later the same 
men spearheaded the rescue of the "lost 
battalion" of Texans in the Vosges foot- 
hills in France, and of the fierce action 
they have been seeing with General Patch's 
Seventh Army. 

He speaks of individual friends: of the 
cheerful letters he receives from Yoshinao 
("Turtle") Omiya, whose eyes were blown 
out by a land mine at the Volturno River 


Four men of a distinguished battalion, the 100th Infantry; they were wounded in Italy 

and who now has a job in a war plant; of 
another Hawaiian Japanese who, though 
he lost an eye and is still in the hospital, 
keeps worrying army officials with his re- 
quests to be sent back into combat with his 
comrades of the 100th. 

He talks of the Japanese Americans still 
at Camp Shelby, the boys of the 171st In- 
fantry Battalion who seem fired with a 
common zeal to make good and prove their 
"Americanism"; of the men of the 442nd 
when they were in camp, and how they 
raised $100,000 among themselves in a war 
bond drive, and contributed $10,000 to the 
American Red Cross fund-raising campaign. 

But about himself, Earl Finch will say 
little except: "I am just an ordinary Amer- 
ican who values the American way of life." 

America is made up of paradoxes, so 
perhaps it is not unduly strange to find a 
dedicated champion of a minority group in 
Mississippi, a state hardly noted for its 
racial tolerance. The way has not always 
been easy for Earl Finch. He does not 
mention it, but others bear witness to the 
community prejudice he often has been up 
against in extending his hospitality. 

"He is an individualist and he does not 
seem to care whether he is threatened with 
social ostracism," one man said who knew 
his work at the Aloha USO club. But the 
result has been that while some "influential 
persons" have looked down their noses at 
Mr. Finch's activities, more and more of the 
townspeople have become interested in 
what he is doing and have adopted a 
changed attitude to the Japanese American 
soldiers in their midst. 

The Symbol 

Earl Finch does not talk about himself, 
but almost any American soldier of Jap- 
anese descent even one who has never 
seen him will talk about him indefinitely. 
In the short space of a few months he has 
become almost legendary. The Nisei will 
tell you of his fabulous wealth "his ranc 
is so big he has to use an airplane to 
around on it," the story goes while 
reality he is a man of comfortable but me 
est means. Men who have been overseas 
late that he is a favorite topic of conve 
sation among Japanese American bo 
when they have time to "chin" a whili 
Hundreds of Nisei soldiers who ha\ 
never seen him write to him. He 
received as many as 500 letters in one 
One veteran of the 442nd tells how the bo 
in Italy planned to write him a chain le 
ter, for they knew he could not possih 
answer all the individual mail he receive 
But, adds the soldier, the 442nd "got bus 
before the letter was completed. 

Actually, to the American soldiers of 
Japanese ancestry, Earl Finch represents 
something more than a friend or even a 
hero. To them he has become a symbol: 
an indication that democracy is not dead 
so far as they are concerned; that they are 
still welcome in their own land; that the 
fight for freedom has as much meaning for 
them as for other Americans. It is known 
among the soldiers that one young Japanese 
American died on an Italian battlefield 

"Say good-bye to Mr. Finch." 



Air Age Transportation 

From the ground up to the stratosphere, postwar passengers and cargo will move 
over new routes, at new speeds, by plane, helicopter, railroad, bus and car. 


of cities and increased our urban population 
from 15 to 60 percent. We called it the 
railroad era. Then came the automobile 
which dispersed our urban population into 
the suburbs and created the metropolitan 
area. That was the automobile age. Now 
comes the airplane, with its possibility of 
creating "one world." 

Newspaper readers, radio listeners, and 
motion picture audiences have been told of 
the spectacular achievements expected frem 
aviation after the war. There is to be a 
Model T family helicopter landing on the 
roof or in the backyard. A helicopter bus 
will take us from our homes in the hills or 
on the beach to our places of work in the 
city, 250 miles away. We shall have dinner 
in New York and breakfast in London. 
No place in the world will be farther away 
than forty-eight hours. Two-week vacations 
will be spent in China or India. We are to 
fly across the North Pole to Peiping and 
Singapore. The Arctic Ocean will be to the 
future civilization what the Mediterranean 
Sea was to ancient civilizations. Inland 
cities will become ports for planes from 
foreign lands. 

In general, the public has been satiated 
with such dazzling stories; now it wants 
to know not what are the possibilities, but 
what are the probabilities. People want to 
see the future of aviation in its proper 
perspective as it fits into the transportation 
system along with the railroads and the 

The First Postwar Decade 

What will the coming century of flight 
be like? We cannot, of course, see a century 
ahead. Who at the close of Andrew Jack- 
son's administration could have predicted 
the prewar United States of the 1930's? 
But we can have some ideas about the years 
immediately after World War II. First, 
there will be a transition period perhaps 
two years. Then a decade about which we 
can make some predictions. But uncertain 
factors blur the outline of the second post- 
war decade, and the years beyond. 

Technological developments are also oc- 
curring in the railway and automobile 
industries; though, to be sure, not so 
dramatically as in aviation. There will be 
changes in shipping. Will aviation replace 
the railroad and the automobile as the auto- 
mobile replaced the horse, and the railroad 
the stage coach? Or will aviation be added 
to the existing system as the automobile 
was added to railroads and ships? 

In 1940, the total inter-city passenger 
travel in the United States was 33,700,000,- 
000 passenger miles, of which 1,100,000,000 
were by airplane. Bus travel constituted 



The first in our 1945 series of articles 
exploring war-speeded developments in 
science and technology is by the Sewell 
L. Avery distinguished service professor 
of sociology at the University of Chi- 
cago. Professor Ogburn was director of 
research for the President's Committee 
on Social Trends (1930-33) and from 
1935 to 1943 was research consultant 
and member of the science committee of 
the National Resources Committee. He 
recently completed a special University 
of Chicago, study of aviation. 

10,900,000,000 of the total passenger miles 
and the railroads 19,800,000,000 passenger 
miles, of which 8,200,000,000 were Pullman 
travel. The passenger miles for private auto- 
mobiles in inter-city travel are estimated at 
246,000,000,000 but the length of automobile 
trips was much shorter than for buses. 

Thus only about 3 percent of the com- 
mercial passenger miles between cities in 
our last peace year was by airplane. 
Passengers traveled at a rate of 5.1 cents 
per passenger air mile as compared with 4 
to 4.25 cents per rail mile by Pullman, 2.2 
to 2.5 cents by railway coach, and 1.5 to 
2.2 cents by bus. 

In the latter part of the first postwar 
decade, airplane travel probably will amount 
to some 7,000,000,000 passenger miles at 
around 3.5 or 4 cents a passenger mile 
if business conditions are good; but if there 
is a fairly severe depression then four or 
five billion miles probably will be a closer 
estimate. Thus passenger miles by airplane 
will almost equal the total Pullman traffic 
in 1940, but will be less than one fifth of 
the total inter-city passenger traffic. How- 
ever, this does not mean that the railroads 
will lose all their Pullman trade to the air- 
planes. The increased passenger miles for 
the airplane will come partially from the 
creation of new traffic. 

Air Age Railroads 

Apparently the railroads are going to 
make a vigorous effort to hold their Pull- 
man passengers, especially those who travel 
more than 400 miles. They will do this 
by improving the service and lowering the 
charges. A Pullman car today will carry 
twenty-seven passengers. The Pullman car 
of the future is planned to carry forty-five. 
The price suggested is around two dollars 
for a berth (plus the regular coach fare) 
between Chicago and New York City. The 
theory is that the price of a berth should 
be less than a room at a hotel. Reclining 
coach chairs are expected to be considerably 
improved in comfort and to be provided 
without additional cost to the passenger. 

Even so, it is quite possible that the rail- 
roads will have to curtail their Pullman 
schedules and cut the number of their sleep- 
ing cars, because the railroads can afford to 
lower Pullman charges only if the cars are 
filled. This may mean fewer Pullman ac- 

The railroad coaches and the buses are 
expected to lose very few passengers to the 
airlines since most of the travel on buses 
and coaches is short distance travel. The 
advantages of air travel are greater for long 
distances, in both expense and speed. The 
cost per mile on airlines increases if many 
stops are made at short intervals. The sav- 
ing of time by plane also is less if frequent 
stops are made, since they decrease the total 
block speed. Furthermore, the time gained 
by the speed of air travel is often lessened 
by the necessity of having to go back and 
forth to an airport. 

For instance, from Peoria to Chicago, the 
time by airplane is shorter than by rail. But 
when the time required to go from the 
home of the traveler to the Peoria airport 
and from the Chicago airport to the 'Loop 
is included, the saving in time is wiped 
out. A helicopter bus will depart and land 
closer to the center of the city, but the rates 
by helicopter bus are likely to be consider- 
ably higher than by motor bus, possibly 
twice as much. Thus it is questionable 
whether the airplanes and helicopter buses 
can offer as frequent schedules as the bus 
and railroad. 

Nevertheless, aviation will enter the field 
of short distance transportation. Early in 
1943, there were 288 cities certified for 
scheduled air service. Counting people liv- 
ing within a 25-mile radius of the airport 
as having air service, then 59.7 percent of 
the population in 1943 was reached by air- 
lines. Since all the big cities have airports 
on scheduled airlines, doubling the present 
air route mileage of 50,000 miles would 
penetrate downward to the small towns. 
However, each additional thousand route 
miles will serve smaller and smaller pro- 
portions of the population. The successful 
extension of air routes to smaller places 
will depend upon the degree to which 
economies in air transportation can be 
made. To be self-supporting, these local air 
lines would have to charge from 4 to 7 
cents a mile. The planes are likely to be 
small and the schedules infrequent. 

Aviation at present is used by the higher 
income groups in large cities. The extension 
of aviation to the smaller towns will be 
furthered by government mail subsidies, 
just as present airlines were aided by mail 
subsides in the 1930's. Indeed, public de- 
mand is likely to force delivery of first-class 
(Continued on page 58) 


The family cruiser the privately owned small plane 

Photos courtesy of Aftation News 

Interior view of the small commercial plane which could serve little towns 


The big, fast plane for long distance travel with few stops 

Cabin comfort for distance and international travel 

mail by air to all the places where it can 
be flown. Increasingly, mail probably will be 
handled at towns and villages by passenger 
planes using a device enabling them to pick 
up and drop mail sacks while traveling at 
high speeds. Mail also will be carried by 
helicopter buses. 

Express and Local Planes 

The public will be served by several 
different types of aircraft. Probably most 
of the travel between large cities will be 
in planes seating from forty to sixty persons, 
or two and three times greater than the 
capacity of the famous DC-3, now the 
standard type of inter-city service. In the 
first decade after the war, block speeds 
will average around 200 to 250 miles an 
hour. Most of these planes will carry some 
express. There will be bigger planes seating 
over one hundred passengers for long dis- 
tance travel with few stops. Planes with 
pressurized cabins will travel above 10,000 
feet, with block speeds of 250 miles or more 
an hour. These planes will go from coast 
to coast in a day or a night with two to 
four stops en route, and at a cost below 
that of Pullman travel today. Smaller cities 
will be served by planes seating twenty or 
twenty-five persons, and the very small 
places by slower planes carrying a dozen or 

In the first postwar decade hundreds, 
rather than thousands, of planes will be re- 
quired to handle the expected domestic 
traffic not enough to keep many mass 
production airplane factories busy. In 
1942, 176 planes averaged 8,400,000 pas- 
senger miles per plane a year. The plane is 
a very efficient carrier because of its speed. 
But the plane is more suitable for frequent 
service with small loads than for large loads 
and less frequent schedules. Where the 
traffic is heavy, as between New York and 
Washington, planes may leave every few 

The estimate of 7,000,000,000 passenger 
air miles by the latter part of the first post- 
war decade is an estimate based upon the 
projection of trends. Actually the number 
will be above or below 7,000,000,000, de- 
pending on the state of the business cycle. 
There undoubtedly will be business de- 
pressions following World War II. De- 
pressions followed the first World War, the 
Civil War, the Napoleonic wars. We cer- 
tainly do not yet know how to prevent 
depressions under our existing system 
without resorting to war. The first postwar 
decade after World War I was one of 
growth of income of about 3 percent a year. 
These were prosperous years, but the second 
decade witnessed no growth of income at 
all. Instead, there were the depressions of 
the 1930's. It may very well be that the 
growth of aviation will be slowed up mark- 
edly by a business depression somewhere 
along the line in the first two postwar 
decades. But aviation should continue to 
grow for a half century at least. The rail- 
roads grew in number of passengers car- 
ried for three quarters of a century. After 
sixty years of growth, telephone expansion 
has not ceased, nor automobile expansion 
after forty years. 
During this future period of aviation de- 

velopment and growth, the costs should 
work downward. How far down they may 
go is the question. Many observers think 3 
cents a mile (in money of present purchas- 
ing power) may be reached within a 
decade, or shortly thereafter. It seems 
doubtful whether the cost will go as low as 
2.5 cents a mile. It does not appear that 
aviation will ever be as cheap as bus trans- 
portation, though, of course, such a sweep- 
ing prediction is unsafe in view of the un- 
known technological future. With rates of 
3 or 2.5 cents a mile, the total annual 
passenger miles might reach 15,000,000,000. 
However, it must be remembered that 
twenty-five years after World War II ends, 
our population will have stopped increas- 
ing, unless we take down the bars to im- 
migration or do what no nation ever yet 
has done reverse a declining birthrate. 

These estimates of lowered costs are 
made on the expectation of technological 
improvements in engines, propellers, body 
design, fuels, and assisted take-offs. Jet pro- 
pulsion may be used by or before the 
second postwar decade for flights of suffi- 
cient distance for high altitude travel, possi- 
bly in combination with propellers. 

Cargo Carriers 

. It is more difficult to predict the future 
transportation of cargo. The obstacle is 
solely one of price, for the war has demon- 
strated that there are no mechanical bar- 
riers. At present, the rate for cargo is nearly 
the same as the passenger rate assuming 
200 pounds per passenger and baggage. 
Although this rate includes ground han- 
dling charges, it is a very high rate for 
general cargo. Yet the airlines were not 
making money up until World War II, but 
were aided by the government. 

The rates for cargo from door to door 
are expected to drop to 50 and then to 30 
cents a ton-mile when cargo is carried on 
the same planes with passengers. In all- 
cargo planes, the rates should be several 
cents lower. But even at these expected 
rates, competition with the railroads is not 
likely to be very successful. The rail express 
rate is about 10 to 11 cents a mile for long 
hauls. Rail freight rates are about 1.5 or 
2 cents a ton-mile. But even at the present 
high rates, air cargo has had a rapid ex- 
pansion. This has been due mainly to the 
phenomenon of emergency orders. In addi- 
tion there will be increasing use of air 
transport for some goods with a high value 
per pound, even without the emergency 
factor jewels, motion picture films, furs, 
luxury clothing, for example. And in parts 
of South America and Africa which lack 
railroad and highway facilities, the cargo 
plane has shown vast possibilities as a com- 
mon carrier in such regions. 

Aviation leaders realize the great poten- 
tialities in air cargo. It is freight that sup- 
ports the railroads. But the great volumes 
of possible cargo will not be transferred 
to the air unless the rates can be brought 
down very low. Many studies have been 
made by various sources attempting to find 
out how low future air cargo rates may 
fall. Not many have been able to predict 
rates as low as 15 cents a ton-mile from 
airport to airport. Yet there are some stu- 

dents who profess to see a rate of 5 cents. 
Contract rates and large volumes of cargo 
may bring large reductions. In the foresee- 
able future, air cargo is expected to be 
confined mainly to express shipments, ex- 
cept in cases of emergency. One prospect 
is that perishable fruits and vegetables will 
be shipped by air from the Pacific Coast 
to eastern markets. 

International Travel 

The future of international air passenger 
travel is quite bright, but not for foreign 
air cargo. The airplane saves a great amount 
of time on the long distances from the 
United States to Europe, to South America 
and the Orient, as compared to water travel. 
It is difficult to see how the passenger rates 
in the postwar decade can be on a sound 
economic basis under 5 cents a mile. Yet 
Pan American Airways is advertising future 
trips to Hawaii at 4 cents a mile and to 
South America at 3.5 cents. Of course, other 
factors than costs affect prices. Under con- 
ditions of cut-throat competition among 
the railroads, the orice charged at one time 
for travel from New York to Chicago by 
rail was $1 for the whole journey. With 
governmental ownership and "favored in- 
struments," national rivalries may mean 
very low priced, subsidized travel. 

Transatlantic passenger travel is the 
largest international market for American 
airlines. With the cessation of immigration, 
however, the volume of transatlantic travel 
is not as large as once it was. There were 
500,000 to 600,000 first and second-class 
tourist and cabin passengers a year before 
the war in this zone. This was some 10,000 
a week and could be carried by a dozen or 
so of the projected DC-7's with a seating 
capacity of 108 apiece, making the trip 
across in fifteen hours. With this business 
divided among aviation companies of the 
United States, France, Britain and other 
countries, the amount of traffic for any one 
nation would be comparatively small. 

But international travel is expected to in- 
crease in volume because of the shortened 
time necessary for the trip. A journey to 
Europe by ocean liner and back takes ten 
or eleven days. By air, less than two days 
is required. Here we see aviation's greatest 
asset, speed and saving of time. Traveling 
by air, one can spend eleven or twelve days 
of a two-week vacation in Europe. Buyers 
and sellers and other business executives 
can go to foreign areas without too much 
loss of time from their offices at home. 
Aviation will create perhaps as much traf- 
fic as it will take away from ships by the 
end of the first decade, assuming good 
business conditions. 

If a million passengers a year were car- 
ried on international routes, that would be 
only about one quarter of the passengers 
carried in the 'United States in 1942 by 
domestic airlines. The travel across the 
North Atlantic has been more than half of 
the total transoceanic travel between the 
United States and other nations. Greater 
expansion rates are expected for air travel 
to Latin America and to the Orient in the 
postwar decades. However, there are few 
data on which to make quantitative esti- 
mates. The speed and time-saving make 



aviation companies quite optimistic about 
the future volume of international air travel. 
But it should be recalled that a vacation 
trip to Europe still will require several 
hundred more dollars than most persons 
now spend on their vacations in this coun- 

The airplane is free from the barriers of 
water and land and can follow the great 
circle routes which give the shortest dis- 
tance between any two cities. Since we are 
accustomed to thinking in terms of land 
and water travel, some of the great circle 
routes are startling to us. For instance, in 
traveling from this country to Moscow we 
save time by going across the Arctic near 
the North Pole. The shortest route to 
Shanghai takes us across Alaska. Since air- 
lines need passengers, they are more likely 
to fly over areas where the population is 
dense rather than follow the great circle 
routes. We shall probably go to the Philip- 
pines via Alaska and the shores of Japan 
and China, not only because it is shorter 
than going across the ocean but also be- 
cause there will be more passengers along 
the rim of North America and Eastern 
Asia than across the great stretches of the 

The ocean steamship companies are in 
danger of losing a very large part of their 
first and second class passengers; and, if 
air rates are 3.5 cents a mile, of losing their 
third class passengers also. It is difficult to 
see how the ships can retain these pas- 
sengers. The appeal of their services reached 
its zenith in the floating hotels such as the 
"Queen Mary." But these ships were ex- 
pensive and they were said to have lost 
money on every voyage when depreciation 
is taken into consideration. It is question- 
able whether any more such huge luxury 
liners will be built. 

There will be some travelers who will 
prefer the leisure of an ocean voyage, 
especially if the cost is less than by air. 
Such voyages are likely to be on ships 
smaller- than the luxury liners and less 
speedy. Development of a fast, medium- 
sized vessel that would carry passengers 
more cheaply than the planes, would help 
retain passengers for water-borne craft. On 
the other hand, it does not seem probable 
that the airplane will take much cargo 
traffic away from steamships, and at only 
about a cent a ton-mile, this is the most 
profitable end of the shipping business. 

Family Planes and Helicopters 

The greatest non-military use of the air- 
plane up to the present has been to trans- 
port passengers. Most observers, however, 
expect that after the war there will be many 
private planes, carrying from two to six 
persons as does the private automobile. At 
the beginning of the war, there were 25,000 
small planes owned by private individuals. 
How many private planes will there be 
in the first postwar decade and beyond? 

The most common predictions are that 
there will be several hundred thousand 
privately owned small planes within a very 
few years after the war. Many returning 
soldiers will want to fly. A large market 
for small planes would give jobs to veterans. 

Photos courtesy Aviation News 

Cargo carrying planes of today. Above, loading army equipment for transportation 
by air; below, unloading the first cargo of fruit to be flown from coast to coast 

The number purchased may be three or 
four hundred thousand; but, if so, it is 
possible that not more than fifty to one 
hundred thousand will find much use. In 
other words, there seems likely to be a 
boom and a collapse. 

This unpopular viewpoint is based upon 
several factors. The market for the small 
plane will be largely among those who can 
buy both a plane and an automobile, a rela- 
tively small group in the high income class. 
The costs of flying are around five to ten 
dollars an hour, with limited flying time 
and high insurance rates. Another draw- 
back is the scarcity of landing fields and 
their distance from ultimate destinations. 
Even if many thousands of landing places 

were constructed and planes developed 
which could land and take-off in a few 
hundred feet, there still would not be 
enough landing places to reduce satisfac- 
torily the inconveniences. 

The future of private flying is 'expected 
to lie with the helicopter rather than with 
the plane. Technically, the plane is suited 
to wide-open, flat spaces. Yet it is where 
people live that the demand exists. The 
helicopter is much better adapted to densely 
populated areas, since it can descend and 
ascend vertically, except in high altitudes. 
But the helicopter, as a usable invention, is 
only six years old, and it takes a long time 
to develop a complex invention for general 
(Continued on page 76) 



Postwar Taxes and Full Employment 

With the nation tax-conscious as never before, there is widespread 
interest in proposed programs for government financing after the war. 


popular pastime in the United States. New 
suggestions turn up in the newspapers al- 
most daily; and many easy-to-read pam- 
phlets, in gay covers to attract the layman, 
offer comprehensive tax programs. 

The reason for this new interest and ac- 
tivity is clear. The war tax burden has 
reached unprecedented levels. During the 
first World War tax rates went almost as 
high as rates today; but the exemptions also 
were high. In consequence, four fifths of 
our families paid no income tax. Today, 
fewer than one fifth escape taxation. In the 
peak year of the first World War, total 
yields of all federal taxes did not reach 
$6,000,000,000. In 1944, they came to $44,- 
000,000,000. Thus it is not surprising that 
the nation has become tax conscious, as 
never before. 

Despite colossal war taxes, the larger 
part of war costs are being met from bor- 
rowed funds. Even at current levels, tax 
revenues have not covered half of our pres- 
ent expenditures. But since approximately 
nine tenths of federal expenditures are for 
the prosecution of the war, they will fall 
sharply when the war is ended. We shall 
not need to equal current yields to balance 
postwar budgets. 

After the first World War we enjoyed 
successive tax reductions. Owing to greatly 
curtailed spending and a rising national in- 
come, we were able not only to balance 
budgets but to make substantial reductions 
in the national debt. In some years, tax re- 
ductions were actually accompanied by ris- 
ing yields. Many tax authorities anticipate 
that this experience may be repeated. 

Before attempting to weigh the merits of 
definite proposals which have been made 
for tax reduction, it is important te con- 
sider postwar aims. Taxes are levied pri- 
marily to meet government costs. But 
should we attempt merely to balance war 
budgets, or should we provide in addition 
for systematic reduction of war debts? To 
answer this question wisely, the effect of 
debt reduction on the one hand, and deficits 
on the other, must be weighed. Obviously, 
national financing on present or any pre- 
dictable future levels will have a profound 
effect on the entire economy. The ideal of 
an earlier generation of economists the 
"neutral" tax system which does not inter- 
fere with business activity or the distribu- 
tion of wealth is clearly not attainable. 

To be realistic it is important to recog- 
nize that the tax system has become an im- 
portant instrument for stabilizing or dis- 
turbing the national economy. If the ac- 
cepted goal of full employment and a stable 
and expanding economy is to be attained, 
taxes must be shaped to that end. If, in 
addition, we wish to establish a minimum 


Chairman of the department of eco- 
nomics at Vassar College, U. S. State 
Department representative at the recent 
conference at Bretton Woods, Mabel 
Newcomer for years has been an author- 
ity on taxation. She has served on many 
state committees on fiscal policies, and 
in 1941-42 worked with the U. S. 
Treasury Department. Miss Newcomer 
has written many articles and books on 
tax problems. 

acceptable standard of living for all, that 
too must be taken into account. 

New Levels of Spending 

An estimate of government costs is the 
foundation of any specific program. Ex- 
penditures in the late nineteen-thirties, re- 
garded at the time as extravagantly high, 
ranged from seven to eight billion dollars. 
A substantial part of these costs was for 
work relief an expense we hope to escape 
after this war through high levels of em- 
ployment. But, even so, we shall be faced 
with other new high costs. In spite of our 
success in keeping interest rates low, after 
the war the total interest charges on the 
debt alone will be almost as great as was 
the entire cost of the national government 
in prewar years. Then, too, there will cer- 
tainly be an enlarged military establishment 
to maintain along with unprecedented ex- 
penditures for the assistance of war vet- 
erans. As experience after previous wars 
has shown, these and other factors will pre- 
vent national expenditures from returning 
to prewar levels. Usually the postwar mini- 
mum has been three or four times the pre- 
war standard. 

Postwar tax plans offered to date estimate 
government costs varying from $12 to $38 
billions, excluding debt retirement and 
social security payments. The minimum 
estimate is clearly unrealistic, since it pro- 
vides for no expansion over prewar (1938) 
expenditures, except the necessarily greater 
interest charge on the debt. The larg- 
est estimate is made only for the im- 
mediate postwar years, with their continu- 
ing high military costs, rather than for the 
normal period. 

Tax Cuts and Debts 

The more carefully formulated plans 
have much in common. All emphasize the 
importance of high levels of income and 
employment; all outline a federal tax system 
that will yield from three to five times as 
much as that in the prewar period; but all 
provide for more drastic tax cuts than are 
consistent with any systematic reduction of 
the debt. 

In none is debt reduction regarded as an 

end in itself. Any substantial reduction of 
the debt, resulting from an excess of tax 
collections over current government ex- 
penditures, would tend to decrease purchas- 
ing power. And while such action is urged 
by some tax planners as a healthy check on 
too rapid business expansion and inflation, 
it is assumed that periods of excess revenue 
will alternate with deficits. For with any 
slackening in business activity it is im- 
portant, according to the same theory, that 
government spending should exceed tax col- 
lections. Most of the plans assume a bal- 
anced budget only at a high level of em- 
ployment; and since we shall probably fall 
short of this level more often than we 
shall exceed it, there is a tacit assumption 
that there will be a long time upward trend 
in debts, rather than a reduction. 

An extensive public works program is 
not included in any of the various postwar 
tax plans. The assumption is that such a 
program will be needed only in periods of 
extensive unemployment, and that then it 
is important to expand purchasing power 
through deficit spending. As a matter of 
fact, not all of the tax planners subscribe to 
the principle of deficit spending for public 
works, though those most opposed are even 
more disturbed by high taxes. While they 
favor drastic cuts in future government 
spending, they are unable to face the tax 
bill required for a genuine program of debt 

Four Programs 

So much for generalizations regarding 
the approach of the tax planners. What 
are some of the postwar tax plans which 
are receiving the widest publicity and most 
serious consideration? There is the so-called 
Twin Cities plan, put forward by the Twin 
Cities (St. Paul and Minneapolis) Research 
Bureau under the title of "Postwar Taxes: 
a Realistic Approach to the Problem of Fed- 
eral Taxation." There is the plan offered 
by the Committee for Economic Develop- 
ment "A Postwar Federal Tax Plan for 
High Employment." There is the proposal 
by Beardsley Ruml and H. C. Sonne, "Fis- 
cal and Monetary Policy," sponsored by the 
National Planning Association. And there 
is the plan of Prof. Alvin H. Hansen and 
his associate, Harvey S. Perloff, "State and 
Local Finance in the National Economy." 

In these four plans, estimates of postwar 
expenditures range from $16 to $23 billions 
again excluding social security costs and 
debt retirement. Such estimates mean that, 
if budgets are to be balanced in the postwar 
period, the federal tax system must produce 
from three to five times as much as in the 
prewar period, though perhaps not more 
than half of what it yields at present. If 
we were to maintain current tax rates and 


current levels of income, we could effect a 
substantial reduction of the debt. But, while 
all these tax plans emphasize the impor- 
tance of maintaining high levels of income 
and employment, they provide for drastic 
immediate tax reductions rather than any 
systematic reduction of the debt. 

In all four programs, advocates and op- 
ponents of deficit spending alike consider 
that the primary objective of the tax system 
in the immediate postwar period should be 
to promote high levels of employment or at 
least to restrict industry as little as possible. 
All are agreed that this approach would re- 
sult in substantial tax reduction. There is 
further agreement that tax revenue should 
be adequate, and that adequacy means pro- 
tection of government credit rather than 
regularly balanced budgets. 

However, there is wide difference of 
opinion among proponents of the four plans 
when they come to the question as to which 
taxes to reduce to achieve their objectives. 
Today, the personal income tax provides 
$18 of the |44 billions of federal tax reve- 
nues. In all four plans this amount would 
be substantially reduced, although, except 
in the Twin Cities program, the personal 
income tax is retained as the principal 
source of revenue in accordance with the 
stated objective that taxes should meet the 
test of ability to pay. 

Twin Cities Plan: The Twin Cities com- 
mittee urges long time planning for debt 
reduction and at the same time offers a tax 
program that would cut current yields more 
than half. The committee places the en- 
couragement of "venture capital" first in its 
list of tax objectives, and argues that "to a 
large extent, venture capital comes from the 

Major Postwar 
Tax Plans 

Area of agreement: Drastic tax reduc- 
tion, including repeal of excess profits 

Twin Cities Plan: Retention of corpora- 
tion income tax of 40 percent. Drastic 
reduction in personal income tax. Intro- 
duction of 5 percent retail sales tax. 

CED Plan: Reduction of corporation 
income tax to 16 to 20 percent and 
crediting of such taxes to stockholders' 
personal income taxes. Moderate reduc- 
tion of personal income tax. Repeal of 
all consumption taxes except those on 
liquor, tobacco, and gasoline. 

Ruml-Sonne Plan: Reduction of cor- 
poration income tax to 5 percent of 
distributed income and 16 percent of 
undistributed income. Moderate reduc- 
tion of personal income tax. Repeal of 
all consumption taxes except those on 
liquor, tobacco, and gasoline. 

Hamen-Perloff Plan: Alternative plans 
for corporation income tax providing 
only moderate reduction. Moderate re- 
duction of personal income tax with in- 
creased rates in periods of boom and 
decreased rates in periods of slump. 
Reduction of liquor and tobacco taxes 
and repeal of all other excises. 

individual with a surplus." From this it 
follows that reduction of income taxes, 
through increased exemptions and par- 
ticularly through reduced surtax rates is 
necessary. Therefore, in contrast to other 
plans, the committee proposes to reduce per- 
sonal income taxes more than corporation 

As a matter of fact, in recent years much 
of the saving that has gone directly into 
industrial expansion has been done by cor- 
porations. Private individuals with large in- 
comes have invested increasingly in tax- 
exempt state and local bonds. It is possible 
that they could be lured back to private in- 
vestment channels if there were drastic tax 
reductions. A more direct approach to end- 
ing discrimination against industrial invest- 
ment would be to abolish tax exemption for 
government bonds; this would put competi- 
tion between the two kinds of investment 
on a more equitable basis. The Twin Cities 
group does not propose this obvious 
measure urged in most of the other tax 
plans although it alone has placed the en- 
couragement of .venture capital first on its 
list of objectives. In this plan, as in the 
others, the corporation income tax remains 
at present levels. It is proposed to repeal 
the excess profits tax. The latter measure 
should offer some encouragement to venture 

The Twin Cities committee does not 
mention an equitable distribution of the 
tax burden as an important objective. Cer- 
tainly its proposals would not achieve tax 
justice, for any benefit that low income 
families might derive from the proposal to 
increase personal income tax exemptions 
would be offset by the accompanying pro- 
posal for a 5 percent consumption tax. The 
real beneficiaries of such tax reduction 
would be the well-to-do. In sum, the pro- 
posals fall far short of our standards of 
equity, would, probably be quite inadequate 
for postwar needs, and make little contribu- 
tion to the problem of maintaining high 
levels of employment. 

CED Plan: The Committee for Economic 
Development offers a more defensible pro- 
gram to achieve its stated objectives the 
least possible restriction on production and 
employment, fair distribution of the tax 
burden, and adequacy of taxes. The CED 
proposes to repeal the excess profits tax and 
to cut the rate of the present corporation 
income tax of 40 percent in half. It would 
permit individuals to deduct their propor- 
tionate share of the corporation tax from 
the normal tax on dividend income, thus 
doing away with the double taxation now 
existing. It would provide moderate reduc- 
tions in both the personal income tax and 
in consumption taxes. And it would sub- 
ject the interest from state and municipal 
bonds to taxation like other income. 

This plan as a whole achieves substantial 
equity, first by equalizing the taxes on in- 
come from private and government se- 
curities, and second by depending on a 
highly progressive personal income tax for 
more than half of the federal revenues. It 
encourages continued business activity, prin- 
cipally through substantial reductions in 
business and consumption taxes. 

Ruml-Sonne Plan: The primary objective 
of the Ruml-Sonne plan is "high employ- 
ment under private enterprise." It assumes 
that the budget will be balanced at a high 
level of employment, estimated to be 55,- 
000,000 workers regularly employed, and a 
national income of |140 billions. When 
employment and income rise above this 
level, it is assumed that the tax system will 
yield a surplus which can be applied to re- 
duction of the debt. When income and em- 
ployment fall below this level, deficit fi- 
nancing will be resorted to rather than new 

While the Ruml-Sonne plan is similar to 
that of the CED, it makes an even more 
drastic reduction in corporation taxes. In 
addition to abolishing the excess profits tax, 
it proposes to reduce the corporation in- 
come tax to 5 percent of distributed income, 
as compared with the present 40 percent. 
Unlike the CED plan, it does not provide 
for deduction of this sum from personal in- 
come taxes. The retention of earnings by 
corporations would be penalized through a 
tax of 16 percent on undistributed profits. 

Hansen-Perloff Plan: The Hansen-Perloff 
plan goes even farther than the Ruml- 
Sonne plan in relating taxes and employ- 
ment. It provides for variable income tax 
rate scales the rates to be increased in pe- 
riods of boom and decreased in periods of 
depression. It also makes greater reductions 
in consumption and personal income taxes 
than do the other plans, but leaves the cor- 
poration income tax relatively high. It is 
designed, more than the others, to use the 
tax system as an instrument for controlling 
business fluctuations. 

In addition to these four major plans 
there are several others that should be men- 
tioned. The recommendations offered by 
Prof. Harold M. Groves of the University 
of Wisconsin do not differ greatly from 
those of the CED. The Chamber of Com- 
merce of the United States, in its "referen- 
dum No. 79 of Organization Members on 
Proposed Declaration of Policy," urges "a 
balanced budget providing for debt retire- 
ment . . . ," but accompanies this with 
the statement that "high rates of tax . . . 
cannot be continued in the postwar transi- 
tion or in time of peace without disastrous 
effects upon the national economy." 

Two other planners who propose the 
lowest postwar budgets of all Prof. Fred 
Rogers Fairchild of Yale with a $13 bil- 
lion budget and Prof. Harley Leist Lutz of 
Princeton with a $14 billion budget allow 
one billion dollars a year for debt reduction. 
But with a probable debt of $300 billions 
such suggestions can hardly be considered a 
serious effort to cope with the debt problem. 
Any realistic attempt to pay off the debt 
would demand that taxes of wartime mag- 
nitude be retained for some years to come. 

Weighing These Proposals 

Judging from these plans and others 
which have been suggested, it seems prob- 
able that the federal tax system will be re- 
vised in the immediate postwar period so as 
to cut tax yields by at least one half. The 
postwar level of yields, however, will pre- 
sumably be at least double what it was in 



the prewar years. On two other points 
there seems to be complete agreement 
among these tax planners that the excess 
profits tax should be abolished and that 
personal income tax rates should be dras- 
tically reduced from high war levels. There 
is considerable divergence as to how the 
proposed reductions should be made. Some 
planners would make the more drastic cuts 
in the personal income tax, others in cor- 
poration taxes, and still others in consump- 
tion taxes. 

Weighing the proposals, there is evidence 
that the suggested reductions are too large 
rather than too small. We have no assur- 
ance that the high levels of employment 
and income assumed for balancing budgets 
will be attained. Those who would use 
deficit spending as a device for stimulating 
employment are consistent in this. They 
doubtless expect a gradually rising debt, 
although they have not all made this ex- 
pectation clear. Those who are not con- 
vinced that deficit spending will prove a 
broad highway to prosperity have been un- 
willing to face the fact that the only real 
alternative is continued heavy taxes. In- 
stead they have indulged in wishful think- 
ing on the possibilities of reduced govern- 
ment spending. 

After the first World War we were able 
to reduce taxes and debts at the same time, 
thanks to expanding business activity. 
While it is to be hoped that this experience 
may be repeated, taxes cannot be reduced 
to the level of the nineteen-twenties. The 
choice is between taxes heavy enough to 
balance budgets or a mounting debt. If 
the first choice should prove a serious brake 
on business activity, the mounting debt 
might be the lesser evil. 

It is important for planners to recognize, 
however, that it is easier to check inflation 
through heavy taxes than it is to check 
deflation through tax reduction. The mere 
lowering of business taxes in periods of 
business uncertainty will not necessarily 
turn the tide. Merely to have funds avail- 
able for investment will not bring business 
expansion, if the outlook for profits is poor. 

Incentive Taxation 

Taxes can be used as an incentive to busi- 
ness enterprise as well as a damper to it. 

The excess profits tax is supposed to dis- 
courage venture capital but it may encour- 
age certain activities that make new de- 
velopments possible. For instance, under a 
90 percent profits tax a firm can afford to 
expand research activities that bring no im- 
mediate return, since such expenditures will 
be more at the expense of government tax 
collections than of stockholders' profits, just 
as under a 90 percent personal income tax, 
wealthy individuals can afford to indulge in 
extensive philanthropies at little cost to 
themselves. Also, a firm subject to high 
profits taxes can afford to take risks. For 
while profits resulting from some new ven- 
ture go largely to the government, so on the 
other hand potential losses may be charged 
against profits elsewhere in the business. 

The director of War Mobilization and 
Reconversion, James F. Byrnes, in his re- 
port to the President and Congress on Janu- 
ary 1, urges for the period immediately 
following the European war several changes 
in federal corporation taxes, including more 
generous depreciation allowances, accelera- 
tion of the process of postwar tax refunds, 
and an increase in the specific exemption 
for the excess profits tax. The purpose of 
these changes is to stimulate business ex- 
pansion and employment in the reconver- 
sion period. They are recommended, that 
is, as a form of incentive taxation. 

Mr. Byrnes, like most of those who have 
urged incentive taxation, is talking in terms 
of reduced rates and increased exemptions. 
True incentive taxation, however, demands 
positive action, and increasing and detailed 
government direction of business activity. 
Germany used incentive taxation with suc- 
cess in the middle Thirties to promote em- 
ployment and encourage heavy war indus- 
tries. But in this country this development 
would not be welcomed by the proponents 
of free enterprise; and it is significant that 
few of the tax plans even use. the phrase. 

Business Cycle Control 

Taxation is at best a clumsy device for 
controlling the business cycle. Controls de- 
mand quick action, and tax bills go through 
Congress slowly. Moreover, collections lag 
behind legislation. For the tax system to 
become an effective instrument of control, 
it would be necessary to grant administra- 

Estimated Yields of Proposed Plans 

Compared With Present Taxes* 

Billions of Dollars 







Personal income 
Corporation, including renegotiation 
Estate and gift 
Consumption and miscellaneous 








40.5 18.0 


and omitt 
yields of 


ng some 
the four 


of the alterna- 
programs are 

"These are estimates for normal years, excluding payroll taxes, 
lives offered. If these variations and omissions arc included the 
from $16 to $23 billions. 

tive officials wide discretionary powers. The 
Hansen-Perloff plan proposes this that per- 
sonal income tax rates be adjusted up and 
down, with business recovery and recession. 
And it is possible that Congress would be 
willing to delegate limited power to ad- 
ministrative officials for this purpose. Such 
action has already been taken with regard 
to changes in tariff rates under the Recip- 
rocal Trade Agreement Act. Although 
traditionally jealous of its tax powers, Con- 
gress may be glad to shift some of the re- 
sponsibility; but we cannot count on it. 

In the immediate postwar period the 
greatest risk might lie in reducing taxes too 
soon, with the possibility of inflationary 
rather than deflationary conditions. War- 
time taxes which put a curb on spending are 
one of the controls that must be continued 
as long as the conditions warrant. [See 
"Taxes Are Good for You" by Harvey S. 
Perloff. Survey Graphic, March 1943.] 

The present tax system offers many forms 
of assistance for reconversion. The con- 
cern that loses money is not required to pay 
either the excess profits or the income tax. 
Moreover, there is provision for rapid 
amortization of emergency facilities. Ten 
percent of the excess profits tax will be re- 
turned for purposes of reconversion. Under 
the two-year carry-back provision, as much 
of the taxes paid in the immediately preced- 
ing years will be refunded as is necessary to 
offset losses and provide normal returns. 

The number and value of these aids in 
present legislation have not always been 
fully recognized; but the unprecedented 
size of corporate reserves today testifies to 
the fact that the tax laws have made sub- 
stantial allowance for the reconversion pe- 
riod. If business has the markets that only 
full employment can provide, even the pres- 
ent level of taxes would not prove unduly 

Tax Justice 

In our preoccupation with business cycle 
control it is important that we do not for- 
get principles of equity. To this end, we 
should not continue to tolerate tax exemp- 
tion for interest on state and local bonds, 
nor discrimination, in personal income 
taxes, against the residents of "non-com- 
munity property" states. Today, in states 
with community property laws, husband 
and wife may make separate returns even 
though the income is earned entirely by 
the husband. Thus a salary of $20,000 must 
be reported as a $20,000 income in New 
York, a non-community property state, but 
may be reported as two $10,000 incomes in 
California, a community property state. The 
tax in the former case is very much higher. 

To achieve a system based on ability to 
pay, a highly progressive personal income 
tax should be retained as a basic federal tax, 
and consumption taxes should be reduced 
to a minimum. Such a tax system meets 
the requirements of economic democracy, 
and at the same time it adjusts quickly and 
automatically to the exigencies of the busi- 
ness cycle. 

A tax system based on ability to pay will 
inevitably produce large revenues in times 
of rising incomes, thus offering a check on 
(Continued on page 79) 




Luis Munoz Marin, the leader of Puerto Rico's Popular Democratic Party, speaking at a back country rally 

Clean Sweep in Puerto Rico 

From this Caribbean territory, following the November election, come new demands 
for self-government and bold plans for economic progress and social betterment. 


the United States, received enthusiastic and 
overwhelming endorsement in the Puerto 
Rican election in November. In the con- 
tinental press, Rexford Tugwell's presence 
in the island as governor explains the pres- 
ence of the New Deal there. Actually, how- 
ever, the program is that of Luis Munoz 
Mann and the Popular Democratic Party. 
Governor Tugwell's contribution has been 
chiefly encouragement and advice. 

A surprisingly peaceful election resulted 
in victory for the Popular Democrats by 
a majority which literally wiped out one 
of the three opposition parties the Liberal 
Party and left the others almost without 
representation in the government. The 
Popular Democratic Party, which, lacking 
a majority in the past four years, depended 
upon Liberal Party support in the insular 
legislature, now has no opposition whatever. 
Of the 19 senate seats, it won 16; of the 
39 seats in the lower house, it won 38. 
There are 77 municipalities in Puerto Rico, 
and 74 of them elected Popular Demo- 
cratic governments. Even San Juan, tra- 
ditionally Union Republican, went to the 
Popular Democrats. 

In the coming four years, too, the insu- 
lar government will be represented in 
Washington by a Popular Democrat, Jesus 
Pifiero, the newly elected resident com- 
missioner, who is one of the most stable 
and responsible men in the party. Bolivar 
Pagan who, as resident commissioner since 
1940 did everything possible to discredit the 
insular government in Washington, suc- 
ceeded in winning one of the three Opposi- 
tion seats in the insular senate. 

The Campaign in the Island 

The campaign and election were much 
more orderly than anyone expected. Al- 

By an associate professor of economics 
at the University of Puerto Rico. For- 
merly with the Federal Housing Author- 
ity and, earlier, the Farm Security Ad- 
ministration in Washington, Miss Clark 
was for some time consultant to the 
Housing Authority in Puerto Rico. 
Survey Graphic readers will recall her 
description of war's impact on the island, 
"Turmoil in Puerto Rico," December, 

though violence was generally predicted, 
"incidents" throughout the campaign were 
few and unimportant. Threats of violence 
were made, and "plots" discovered from 
time to time, but they came to nothing. 

The system of voting in Puerto Rico is 
unique, and seems fraud-proof. Voters 
were required to be in their voting places 
before one o'clock on November 7. At 
that hour the doors were locked, and voting 
began. Each voter was called in alpha- 
betical order, identified himself in a rather 
elaborate fashion, and received his ballot. 
Specially named "governor's representa- 
tives" were sent to all parts of the island 
to answer questions and adjust disputes. 

In effect, voters could vote either for or 
against the Popular Democratic Party, 
which stood for a continuation of its eco- 
nomic and social program begun in 1940. 
The program of the Opposition parties was 
the simple one of opposition. They never 
formulated any other. 

Any election in Puerto Rico must be con- 
sidered from the point of view of its effect 
upon the two great problems of Puerto 
Rico the political problem of status, or 
relationship to the United States, and the 



economic problem of how the island can 
support its dense and rapidly increasing 

Munoz Mann tried to convince voters 
that the election related only to the eco- 
nomic issue; that the question of political 
status was not involved, and that a vote 
for the Popular Democratic Party was not 
a vote for independence. The opposition 
parties, on the contrary, insisted that a 
Popular Democratic victory would mean 
an immediate move to free Puerto Rico 
from the United States. In large part the 
campaign of the Opposition candidate for 
resident commissioner, for example, was 
made "to keep the American flag flying in 
Puerto Rico." 

The 500 Acre Law 

But the first question raised by the elec- 
tion is how the government will act to 
better economic conditions in the island. 
The main outlines of the economic program 
are clear, and are already embodied in the 
legislation of the past four years. Its two 
basic proposals are to increase and redis- 
tribute the income from land, and to in- 
dustrialize the island. Of the two the lat- 
ter is now, at least, much more important 
economically, although the land program 
has political appeal which makes it an 
essential part of any planning for the fu- 

The land program so far has been 
largely one of redistribution. Within the 
near future, however, the government pro- 

- poses to establish an Agricultural Develop- 
ment Company to encourage more efficient 
and more diversified land use. 

Even when Puerto Rico became part of 
the United States in 1898, land ownership 
was concentrated in relatively few hands. 
Congress in 1900 adopted a joint resolu- 
tion later known as the 500 Acre Law 
which prohibited any corporation from 
owning or controlling more than 500 acres 
of land. Ignored for forty years, this law 
was made operative in 1941 when the in- 
sular legislature was authorized by the 
Supreme Court of the United States to 
establish the method by which the joint 
resolution would be put into effect. Three 
methods of land distribution are provided 
under the Land Act of 1941: outright gift 
of one quarter of an acre to any agricul- 
tural worker or agregado in the island; 
sale or lease of family sized farms (5 to 
25 acres); lease of proportional benefit 
farms (100 to 500 acres) to agronomists or 
experienced farmers. In the last case, the 
workers on the farms share in the profits 
in addition to receiving wages at estab- 
lished rates during the year. 

Up to last October, 10,716 families of 
agricultural workers, representing close to 
60,000 persons, had been resettled on small 
plots of land. Over 11,000 acres had been 
put into use in proportional benefit farms, 
which form the heart of the program. The 
six farms in operation this year distributed 
slightly over $45,000 in proportional bene- 
fits to the workers employed, and the Land 

Authority claims that sugar on these farms 
was grown at less than average cost and 
that the yield was higher than average. 
This is extremely important since, with so 
little land in relation to population, every 
acre must be used as fully and as eco- 
nomically as possible. 

Although the program of industrial de- 
velopment has lagged somewhat behind 
the land program, it is now well under 
way. The Puerto Rico Development Com- 
pany was established in 1942, not only to 
help private industry, but to initiate and 
carry on business for the insular govern- 
ment. To make insular government funds 
available to the company or to private in- 
vestors, the Puerto Rico Development Bank 
was created. 

New Industries Plans and Projects 

As one of its first activities, the Develop- 
ment Company initiated a thorough-going 
investigation and inventory of the island's 
natural resources. That investigation is 
still under way, but two new industries 
already have been established by the com- 
pany itself. A glass container factory is 
now going into operation, prepared to sup- 
ply a major portion of the bottles needed 
in the rum industry. A paper products 
factory to make the corrugated paper in 
which bottled rum is packed, is nearing 
completion. Both will add very materially 
to employment and income. 

As soon as war conditions permit, the 
Puerto Rico Development Company is pre- 


Under the six-year plan it is believed that most of the urban slums of which this is typical can be cleared 


pared to build and operate a textile mill to 
spin and weave imported cotton (later, 
perhaps, it will use the long staple cotton 
grown in the island, which is used only 
for fine fabrics and requires very skilled 
and experienced textile workers); a knit- 
ting mill; a plant to manufacture vegetable 
fats and oils, primarily from local coconuts; 
a wallboard factory, using bagasse (sugar 
cane from which the juice has been extrac- 
ted); and four plants to make synthetic, 
edible yeast, to improve the diet of the 
people. In addition, semi-mechanized or 
handicraft industries are starting, and the 
Development Company already has put on 
the market pottery of various kinds, and 

So far, the emphasis in industrial devel- 
opment is clearly on government controlled 
and operated industry. This is due in part 
to the fact that speed is so essential, for 
both political and economic reasons; in 
part to the management of the Develop- 
ment Company itself; and in part to the 
definite leaning of the entire insular ad- 
ministration toward government control 
of the economic life of the island. 

Businessmen are asking whether all in- 
dustry is to be socialized; whether taxes 
are to be greatly increased; what restric- 
tions upon business and industry may be 
imposed; into what kinds of industrial 
activity the government means to go. 
Mufioz Marin has said that he wants in- 
creased taxes on corporations, probably 
some kind of excess profits tax. It is taken 
for granted that existing wage and hour 
laws will be liberalized to give workers a 
greater share in income. If private capital 
is to be utilized in any significant degree 
in the' future industrial development of 
Puerto Rico, the government will have 
either to define much more clearly the 
fields into which it means to go, or to 
work out some method by which both 
government and private investors can unite 
in industrial enterprises, with private in- 
vestors given some responsibility in man- 

Private capital, however, has been notori- 
ously slow to invest in the island except in 
sugar and, more recently, in the manufac- 
ture of rum. 

Even if the newly elected government 
were interested in a change in the attitude 
of the private investor, it might be im- 
possible to attract to industry any appreci- 
able amount of private capital until the 
question of political status is settled. 

The fact that public utilities are already 
in large part government owned makes 
the industrial program easier. The Water 
Resources Authority, an insular government 
agency, supplies all power used in Puerto 
Rico. The Transportation Authority, an- 
other insular agency, owns and operates 
the principal bus system in the San Juan 
metropolitan area and plans island-wide 
transportation as soon as equipment is 
available. It expects to build within the 
_next six years not only an airport for in- 
ternational air service, but local airports 
as well. The Communications Authority 
now controls the telegraph system and is 
about to take over the telephone system. 

In the past four years, the government 

The Popular Democratic Party invests #20,000 in war bonds. Jesus T. Pinero, Resi- 
dent Commissioner in Washington (left), hands the check to a U.S. Treasury official 

has quite frankly tried to establish its eco- 
nomic program before it faces the enor- 
mous social problems of Puerto Rico. In 
some part this attitude may have been due 
to war restrictions, which made building 
impossible, but in larger part it was the 
conviction that Puerto Ricans can in the 
long run hope only for those social insti- 
tutions which they can support. Accord- 
ingly, little has been done since 1940 in 
housing, education, sanitation, or health. 
Now, however, the government proposes 
to go ahead as rapidly as possible with a 
broad social program. 

The Issue of Independence 

Meanwhile, within the Popular Demo- 
cratic Party itself the issue of status has, 
in the weeks since the election, flared into 
the open. At least a minority of the party 
leaders want independence now, at any 
cost, and are already agitating for it. 
Mufioz Mann does not belong to this 
group. Puerto Rico must wait for inde- 
pendence, he insists, until it can be assured 
of continued economic help from the 
United States, since political independence, 
without economic help, would bring only 
suffering and starvation to the island. Al- 
though he has been careful not to commit 
himself, it appears that he favors some 
form of qualified or partial independence, 
such as dominion or commonwealth status, 
which would leave the island free to legis- 
late for itself and determine its own future, 
but would not break the strong economic 
attachment to the United States which has 
developed in the last forty-five years. 

The issue of status was of course in the 
minds of voters at the November election. 
Mufioz Mann promised the people to ar- 
range, as soon as possible, a vote on the 
kind of political status they wanted. Until 
that time, he urged that the issue rest. 
Nonetheless, the election has resulted in 

widespread "jitters" on the question of 
status. Many remember the violence of 
1936 during which the chief of police lost 
his life, and fear something of the same 
kind now. "They will kill us in the 
streets," one woman cried when she saw 
the election returns. 

Among business and professional men, 
both in and out of the Popular Demo- 
cratic Party, there is fear of the Jnde- 
pendentistas. If any section of the Puerto 
Rican people has adjusted to colonial sta- 
tus, it is this group, whose ties with the 
United States are close and profitable, and 
who intellectually are turning to the con- 
tinent as they once turned to Spain. 

The immediate question is whether 
Mufioz Marin can control the "independ- 
ence now at any cost" group within the 
party. The very completeness of the 
Popular Democratic victory makes this 
more difficult, since there is no opposition 
from the outside to hold the party together. 
There is also the fact that for the defeated 
parties, and the interests they represent 
chiefly sugar dissension within the Popular 
Party ranks becomes extremely important. 

The Independentlstas have already shown 
that they do not mean to wait. They are 
pressing for action now, in a number of 
ways. Rafael Arjona Siaca, newly elected 
senator and extremely vocal member of 
the Popular Democratic Party, declared a 
few days after the election in a widely 
publicized speech that Puerto Rico must 
end at once its humiliating political situa- 
tion and become independent. Later, at a 
meeting called to hear two Cuban students 
who came to the university to speak for 
independence, he declared that Puerto Rico 
was even now in "full revolt" against its 
present colonial status. 

The visit of the Cuban students has 
assumed the character of an international 
(Continued on page 77) 



"Dad is our pal." When he doesn't have to work at night, he spends his evenings with us 

"I like to watch myself grow" at the annual health check-up 

"Learning is fun in our school room," thanks to our teacher 

These Make Up "My Happy Days" 

From a book on normal Negro childhood by Jane Dabney Shaclcelford. Photographs by Cecil Vinson 

"What fun we have" in the park across the street from school 

These glimpses of the details of wholesome child life are from a book 
of alternating photographs and simple text, "My Happy Days" 
(Associated Publishers, Inc., Washington, D. C). The book is ad- 
dressed to Negro parents as well as to Negro children, but its message 
is for all parents and children. "I hope it will establish a pattern that 
will be followed in many homes," writes the author, "because we all 
realize that strengthening family life is a bulwark of democracy. 

''I am proud to be a citizen of the United States" 

After a good-night story, "I go to bed with happy thoughts" 


To Be Young, Poor, and Black 


are subject to three basic influences: our 
physical makeup, which provides the main- 
spring of our activities; our homes, which 
influence their direction; and the social 
group, which limits or extends them. It is 
to the credit of Richard Wright, who even 
as a novelist protests racial discrimination, 
that he has recognized these three factors 
in his autobiography without becoming 
pedantic. ("Black Boy. A Record of Child- 
hood and Youth," by Richard Wright. 
Harper. $2.50.) In this terrible picture of 
life in the United States, in this personal 
testimony that, for frankness, makes Rous- 
seau's "Confessions" read like a novel of 
manners, Mr. Wright has placed the blame 
where it belongs. He has not spared himself 
in revealing his intractable, unruly nature 
as a little boy; he has not recalled his par- 
ents in a haze of sentimental nostalgia; 
hence his account of what made life in the 
South unbearable for a sensitive Negro lad 
is many times more convincing than the 
furtive development in "Native Son." 

For Richard was tense, hypersensitive 
from earliest childhood, thus proving anew 
that the artist feels more deeply than his 
fellows and is more keenly aware and re- 
flective by his very physical nature. He 
was browbeaten by Negroes before he was 
intimidated by whites, and his protest was 
the natural reaction of a high-spirited and 
intelligent youth against all forms of in- 
justice. So this book becomes a unique 
record, a story of a black boy's soul as well 
as of that ring of discrimination that keeps 
the Negroes cowed in the Deep South. It 
is a unique supplement to Gunnar Myr- 
dahl's comprehensive study, "An Ameri- 
can Dilemma," bearing out many of the 
scientist's conclusions. 

Since practically all autobiographies are 
written when the author has reached the 
age of reflection, none can escape a certain 
amount of adult sophistication. But Mr. 
Wright has managed to make his remi- 
niscences seem fresh and new by treating 
them as episodes, providing a rich succes- 
sion of them, and only occasionally com- 
menting as an adult. 

The Untamable Spirit 

He begins by showing what kind of 
boy he was temperamentally. At the age of 
four in Natchez, he set the house afire in 
order to see the curtains burn, despite the 
presence of a sick grandmother. He was 
punished: "I was lashed so hard and long 
that I lost consciousness." A few years later, 
in Jackson, Miss., he loitered around sal- 
oons, picked up dirty words and scandal- 
ized his relatives, who reacted violently. 
He joined other children in jeering at Jews, 
and his intense curiosity told him much 

(All booths 


about sordid relations in shabby houses. He 
does not spare himself, and we begin to 
see him as intensely nervous, stubborn, tor- 
tured in soul and body but keenwitted, 
inquisitive, and by no means passive. 

The home life Mr. Wright reveals upsets 
the conventional belief that poor Negroes 
are easy-going, affectionate, and gentle in 
family relationships. His mother worked 
as a laundress and wept and worried over 
her two boys; his father, a Beale Street 
drugstore porter, found himself another 
woman. His grandmother, white of skin 
yet born in slavery, labored hard to help 
the handicapped members of her family, 
but she was a strict religionist and dis- 
ciplinarian. In justice to her and other rel- 
atives who browbeat Richard, it must be 
admitted that he was a tough proposition; 
none knew how to tame this wild one ex- 
cept by blows and abuse. Even an aunt, 
on becoming his teacher in school, refused 
to admit the relationship and treated him 
as a culprit. 

In later years, Richard began to wonder 
at this antagonism among his own. He 
"used to mull over the strange absence of 
real kindness in Negroes, how unstable 
was our tenderness, how lacking in genuine 
passion we were, how void of great hope, 
how timid our joy, how bare our traditions, 
how hollow our memories, how lacking 
we were in those intangible sentiments that 
bind man to man and how shallow was 
even our despair." 

For some Negroes the church provides 
both a tradition and a social magnet. Rich- 
ard was briefly affected by the religious 
symbols and the hymns. But he thinks 
they came too late (at ten or eleven years!) 
in his career; therefore "full emotional and 
intellectual belief never came." The lad's 
nature was already too skeptical, too in- 
quiring; he could not accept beliefs on 

The Day-by-Day Repression 

As he grew older, he recognized the 
fear that is in the air for the Negro in 
the South. Here his testimony is exception- 
ally valuable, for while everyone is aware 
of the more obvious manifestations of race 
discrimination, such as Jim Crow cars and 
lynching, we are less familiar with the 
insidious, day-by-day repression, which is 
implicit in the very attitude of white peo- 
ple. Richard was merely a curious boy 
when he first saw a Jim Crow car, but he 
was older when a classmate lamented the 
loss of a brother who had been killed by 
whites for "fooling with a white prostitute." 
He was to discover, to his own hurt, what 
other methods were used. 

Young Richard learned that he could 
not reply to an employer who corrected 
ordered through Survey Associates, Inc., will 

him; his remarks "indicated a consciousness 
on my part that infuriated white people." 
Something of this spirit may have been 
absorbed by the Negro principal of his 
school, who considered it an insult that 
Richard should refuse to deliver the vale- 
dictory address he had written for the boy. 
As a bell boy in a hotel, Richard had to 
run errands for white prostitutes; when 
they walked about shamelessly in the nude 
he was told: "Keep your eyes where they 
belong if you want to be healthy!" White 
employes of a Memphis company used 
devious methods to get two Negro lads to 
fight by assuring them separately that each 
was out to knife the other. Fortunately 
they compromised on a fist fight. 

Richard's basic makeup made it impos- 
sible for him "to submit and live the life 
of a genial slave." He resented the attitude 
of the Negro elevator operator who al- 
lowed himself to be kicked for a quarter. 
He heard Negroes discuss the ways of 
white folks toward them, but it led no- 
where. Negroes grumbled, cheated, and 
stole from their employers. Richard had a 
mush and gravy poverty like the rest, but 
he had something they lacked the ability 
to develop mentally despite all handicaps. 

The Spark 

And here credit goes to H. L. Mencken 
for being the electric spark which spurred 
Richard on. Mencken was being denounced 
in a Memphis newspaper, probably for 
one of his periodic attacks on the South, 
when Richard became aware of him. Un- 
able to draw books from the public library, 
he asked an Irish Catholic to wangle a card. 
Then he began reading "Prejudices" and 
"A Book of Prefaces," and taking up the 
authors Mencken discussed. H. L. Mencken 
has electrified many able spirits with his 
writings; Richard Wright is only one of 
the latest. 

It is good for us to learn how a black 
boy felt in his growing years. It is good to 
know what pulled him out of his difficult 
situation. He went North to Chicago 
to become an author with a conscience, a 
spokesman for justice. Although he has not 
told it here, we know that he did not find 
complete freedom from racial discrimina- 
tion even in the North. But his way was 
easier now; he had enough to eat; he could 
speak his mind and find listeners. 

The book, full of anecdotes as it is, re- 
vives our democratic belief that brains may 
sprout in the humblest surroundings and 
that intellectual courage wins a way. This 
personal testimony shows that even trivial 
incidents have their bearing on individual 
development. But without the sensitive na- 
ture that was his, Richard Wright's "scald- 
ing experience" would have left him like 
be postpaid) 

many another black boy of the South, out- 
wardly genial, inwardly discontented and 
oppressed, unable to find his way out of 
the atmosphere that smothered him. 


Ruhl J. Bartlett. University of North Caro- 
lina Press. #2.50. 

the League to Enforce Peace, which was 
formed shortly after the beginning of the 
first World War and which, according to 
former President Lowell of Harvard, was 
"killed and buried by the Republicans and 
President Harding in 1922." The book is 
a valuable contribution to today's study of 
the techniques of international coopera- 
tion, why our predecessors failed, what we 
must avoid; and, lest we miss our second 
chance, it points to what we must achieve 
if we are to have peace. 

Fourth Symposium of the Conference of Sci- 
ence, Philosophy, and Religion in Their 
Relation to the Democratic Way of Life. 
Edited by Lyman Bryson, Louis Finkel- 
stein, and Robert Maclver. Harper. f5. 


papers discussed at the Fourth Conference 
on Science, Philosophy, and Religion, held 
in New York City in September, 1943. 
Fifty-nine different authorities, representing 
fifty-nine approaches to the complex prob- 
lems of the present world crisis, have united 
in an effort to face the very real crisis in 
the field of intelligence and ideas. It is, of 
course, of primary value and interest to the 
scholar, but the layman would do well to 
catch some of the objective and timeless 
attitudes brought to this study by these 
men of the classical tradition. 

AN AMERICAN PEACE, by Neil MacNeii, 
Scribner. #2.75. 


terse, effective 'style, Mr. MacNeii calls for 
an American peace. But let no one inter- 
pret that as an insistence on nationalism. It 
is simply this: the United States, having at 
last a military strength that matches its re- 
sources in industry, having the greatest in- 
ternational authority it has ever known, 
must take its mature part in building a just 
and flexible peace. This peace must be 
based on economic solutions of political 
problems, for the basic problems are eco- 
nomic. Just as this country once wrote the 
Bill of Rights, so it must write an Eco- 
nomic Bill of Rights, wherein there shall 
be access to raw materials and markets for 
all. Without such an Economic Bill of 
Rights, Mr. MacNeii feels "there is little 
hope for a realistic peace." 

by James P. Warburg. Harcourt, Brace. 

estingly condensed history of American 
foreign and domestic policy, showing that 
the two are closely interdependent. With 
this factual knowledge at hand, the Amer- 

"A clear, vigorous, 
courageous book." 

The Nation 

Foreign Policy 
Begins at Home 


N. Y. HERALD TRIBUNE: "Thorough-going and 
thought-provoking. To maintain and extend 
democracy, citizens must therefore exercise their 
right to determine the broad shape of the nation's 
policies; and, to make those policies good, they 
must possess the information on which to base 
proper decisions. This book presents this kind of 
information with a very large measure of clarity, 
simplicity and success." 

MINNEAPOLIS TRIBUNE: "Its wealth of factual in- 
formation and provocative ideas should stimulate 
independent thinking among Americans who used 
to believe the field of international relations was 
roped off for the exclusive pleasure of the 'ex- 

MAX LERNER: "A wonderfully lucid, admirably sim- 
ple survey of American foreign policy . . . Better 
than in any other book I know, he has captured 
the basic truth that there is an organic connection 
between what we do abroad and what we do at 

DALLAS NEWS: "The summaries of recent history 
alone make the book worth while . . . But far more 
important are the guiding principles, based on a 
specific examination of our policies following the 





383 Madison Avenue New York 17, N. Y. 

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,) 


ican is brought face to face with his re- 
sponsibility as a citizen in a democracy 
and the part his democracy must play in 
a world torn by conflicting ideologies. It is 
a plea for the right objectives and princi- 
ples back of the peace settlement to come. 

William B. Ziff. Macmillan. #3. 


of the future is one of adjusting the aging 
political and social forms of society to its 
new economic and industrial needs. He 
offers precise plans for a world territorial 
reorganization, and he seems to have 
thought it through to the last minute detail. 
Assistant Director 
Woodrow Wilson Foundation 

Franklin Sands in collaboration with Joseph 
M. Lalley. University of North Carolina 
Press. 2.50. 


foreign policy, one is happy to encounter 
anyone attempting to analyze the long term 
trends in this nation's conduct of foreign 
relations. Taking as a springboard his as- 
signments in Latin America during the 
heyday of American imperialism, Mr. 
Sands, an excellent career diplomat of many 
years' experience in the Far East as well, 
examines our foreign policy over the past 
four decades for an indication of some co- 
herent purpose and finds it wanting. 

The author likens our diplomacy to a 
jungle, where every man must hack a way 
for himself through the twisted under- 
growth of protocol, intrigue, and miscon- 
ception, only to gather the fruit of ag- 
gression and war. For our capricious and 
unpredictable course in international rela- 
tions, motivated by power drives and inter- 
preted by "professions of virtue," has pro- 
vided a pattern, he says, for other more 
consistently expansionist nations. 

For his belief that we in the United 
States have sowed the wind and are now 
reaping the whirlwind, Mr. Sands has cer- 
tain grounds, of which he occasionally per- 
mits the reader to catch a glimpse. He was 
present at the birthing of Panama, wit- 
nessed our attempts to bring about peace 
and prosperity in Central America by 
bankers' loans and armed intervention, ob- 
served our well-meaning, if erratic, efforts 
to introduce democracy in Mexico at the 
point of a gun. His discussion of power 
politics in Latin America is so discursive, 
so interlarded with anecdote and personal 
experience, however, that one emerges 
without a clear notion of just what it is 
Mr. Sands is trying to say. 

The reader will probably find much to 
agree with in the author's contention that 
lack of knowledge abroad of this country's 
intentions has proved in the past far more 
dangerous than any fear of its concrete 
plans. But it is speculative whether the 
reader will be able to concur in the con- 
clusion, for which he has been sketchily 
prepared, that the present war is the result 
of the shattering collision of the imperial- 
ist drives of Japan and the United States, 
and only that. 

Mr. Sands makes no mention of the 
German threat in our Latin American pre- 
serves. A period of residence in Latin 
America, even on the Pacific side, should 
make one all the more aware that our 
orientation in this hemisphere, because of 
the lay of the land and the flow of the sea, 
has always been Europe-ward. Negative as 
it is, the Monroe Doctrine the only 
American policy on which a certain 
amount of agreement has been achieved 
is aimed at Europe. Not to make this 
clear is, in this reviewer's opinion, to betray 
a certain carelessness in the material's pre- 

One wishes that the author and his col- 
laborator, Mr. Lalley, had confined them- 
selves to their very readable account of 
Mr. Sands' experiences in Central America 
and elaborated the discussion of some of 
the social and racial concepts of the Mexi- 
can revolution, much of which is ex- 
tremely valid. 

Research Associate OLIVE HOLMES 

Foreign Policy Association 

WHAT, by Bernard Shaw. Dodd, Mead. 

pher," having, so far as he can comprehend 
it, "the whole universe for his workshop," 
the irrepressible George Bernard Shaw in 
his eighty-ninth year soliloquizes and rem- 
inisces zestfully with sturdy wisdom, little 
nostalgia, and more tolerance than usual. 

Education, he maintains, stems from the 
arts rather than from formalized rote. 
"Drawing wrong conclusions from known 
facts" is, he observes, more responsible for 
current cynicism than ignorance itself. "The 
honest artist does not pretend that his fic- 
tions are facts, but he may claim, as I do, 
that it is only through fiction that facts can 
be made instructive and intelligible." He 
stigmatizes "competitive examinations" as 
giving the competitors "an interest in one 
another's ignorance and failure" and as 
associating success "with the notion of do- 
ing the other fellow down." He looks more 
favorably upon competition between teams 
as uniting members "to share their knowl- 
edge and help one another." 

After watching the pageant of three 
generations, Shaw characterizes democracies 
as government by "anybodies" elected by 
"everybody," operating upon a level which 
is necessarily no higher than that of "ev- 
erybody." As for himself he has, he says, 
"still much to learn, even within my own 
limited capacity." He sees himself, how- 
ever, as "realist" enough "to see through 
more of the romantic illusions and know 
more of the hard facts than Mr. Every- 
man." His penetrating eye can still detect 
the most carefully concealed skeleton and 
he has lost none of his capacity to discon- 
cert by dragging it ruthlessly from the 

Yet there is a new mellowness in this 
cavalcade of Shavian reflections: on his ex- 
cursions into Marxist propaganda; his transi- 
tion from novelist to playwright; the glee 
in his feeling that his critics and biogra- 
phers can find no "pigeonhole" to fit him. 
His spicy acidity is frankly meant to "en- 

tertain" and he is always conscious of the 
indispensability of the surprise element to 
put his humor across. On his first meeting 
with Anatole France, the latter had tardy 
inquired, "Who are you?" to which Shaw 
retorted, "I, like you, am a genius." 

This is autobiography at its best, by a 
man who, whatever he may do to others, 
is as free from self-deception as a human 
can be. There is one very important cat 
which he intentionally or unintentionally 
lets out of its bag. He loves the world 
with which he has quarreled so eagerly. 

Cornwall, N. Y. 

Effects on Advanced Industrial Countries, 
by Eugene Staley. The International Labor 
Office. #1.75. 


in the field of international trade relations 
raises a basic problem that is certain to be 
a matter of considerable debate in the post- 
war period. On the assumption that there 
will be an increasing demand on the part 
of undeveloped nations for rapid progress 
in economic development after the war, the 
main purpose of the book is to explore 
"the effects primarily the economic 
effects which are likely to be felt in the 
advanced industrial countries of the world 
as a result of economic development." 

Mr. Staley 's answers are essentially op- 
timistic, developing the thesis that the situ- 
ation will present both opportunities and 
dangers, but that it will be possible by 
policies of "mutual cooperation and intelli- 
gent adaptation" to make the advantages 
outweigh the disadvantages. 

He holds that investment in the unde- 
veloped countries will prove to be an outlet 
for surplus funds and will contribute to 
the maintenance of a balance between sav- 
ings and investment, a condition necessary 
for full employment in developed countries. 

Certain changes in trade relations will 
be inevitable as a result of increased indus- 
trial productivity in undeveloped areas. 
The impact of such changes may be met 
by "industrial adaptability," by shifting 
labor and capital into those lines of produc- 
tion made more profitable by the rise of 
world income. 

Most of the text is devoted to the elabora- 
tion of these ideas and to indicating the 
policies which should be followed to achieve 
the result. A final section deals with the 
broader implications of economic develop- 
ment in the new areas the effect on popu- 
lation, political alignments, and cultural 

From one point of view, the approach 
is realistic. Mr. Staley starts his analysis 
with the concept of "freedom from want," 
but he does not advocate "Uncle Sam's de- 
livering the proverbial quart of milk to the 
Hottentot." He states with emphasis that 
freedom from want will come in various 
parts of the world only when the popula- 
tions in those countries have increased their 
own productivity. 

He is aware, also, of the delicate political 
repercussions of international, trade rela- 
tions. But he asserts that mutual coopera- 
tion, sensible economic controls, and de- 


cisions based on long-run considerations or 
benefit to both types of countries will point 
the way to healthy economic development 
and eliminate "one-way imperialism." In a 
world in which most decisions are results 
of pressure politics rather than of economic 
literacy, one might question the possibility 
of this achievement without much more 
drastic over-all economic control than Mr. 
Staley contemplates. 

Considering the fact that a large pro- 
portion of the book deals with technical 
economic data, the presentation is clear and 
stimulating. It should be of interest to the 
non-technical reader as well as to the 
specialist. Also, it might well be on the 
required reading list for the peacemakers. 
Department of Economics 
New Yor^ University 

PUBLIC INTEREST A Summary of the 
Results of a Survey of the Relations Between 
the Government and the Electric Power 
Industry. Twentieth Century Fund. $2. 


an array as he will scarcely find elsewhere 
of pros and cons on the multitude of prob- 
lems and experiences that go to make up 
the picture of the power industry and its 
relation to the public interest. This evident 
effort to present all sides in a fair-minded 
marshaling of facts and opinions will not 
satisfy the ranter nor attract the ultra- 

In reading, one's mind is constantly on 
a seesaw. Technical, financial, and public 
relation problems are developed in quick 
succession, yet rarely left without some 
presentation of different points of view. 
Generally technical matters are successfully 
handled, though it is manifest the authors 
felt most at home in reviewing the powers, 
experience, and attitudes of the Federal 
Power Commission and the Securities and 
Exchange Commission. 

The presentation of the program and 
development of the TVA shows broad 
study and considerable understanding. A 
point the authors may not appreciate is that 
the extraordinarily high average energy 
consumption (and a correspondingly low, 
average cost per kwh) is an important re- 
flection of use of electricity at an especially 
low final step in the rate schedule by well- 
to-do citizens in house heating. The major- 
ity of consumers are still satisfied with an 
electric refrigerator and the small current 
consuming convenience equipment. 

Possibly too much emphasis is put on 
the creation of high capacity long distance 
interconnection, the cost of which is high. 
Most customers and consumption, like the 
travel of automobiles, are largely within 
limited range of centers of supply. How 
much can be afforded in excess capital, idle 
much of the time, as insurance against a 
possible emergency is a matter for careful 
weighing. Of course, enormous water pow- 
ers set up in the wilderness must have high 
capacity transmission lines to reach ade- 
quate markets. 

No one reading this book, if fair-minded, 
can fail to realize that the problem is com- 
plex, that the facts are ever changing, and 


A Charming Story of Negro Family Life 

Author of The Child's Story of the Negro 


"I doubt if a better portrait has ever been presented of 
our healthy everyday American life. School days and vacation 
times, fun at home, parties, trips to the doctor, marketing 
with mother, going to Sunday school all the good sol id things 
we give our children, the things we are fighting for now across 
the world." - Phyllis A. Whitney, in the Chicago Sun, 
December 31, 1944. 

"Jane Dabney Shackelford has done America a favor in 
giving it this book. And American parents, white and colored 
alike, will be doing their children a favor by giving them a 
copy." M. Crosby Rogers, in the Springfield Union, January 
3, 1945. 

121 pages 

Beautifully illustrated 

Price $2.15 

The Associated Publishers, Inc. 

1538 NINTH ST., N.W., WASHINGTON 1, D. C. 

there is no easy solution of progressively 
maximum service at lowest honest costs to 
the public. The rapidly changing conditions 
of the past three or four years leave the 
impression that data based on 1939-1940 
may have become somewhat academic. 


Consulting Engineer, Washington, D. C. 

trait of TVA. Text by R. L. Duffus. Illus- 
trations by the Graphics Department of 
TVA, Charles Krutch, chief. Knopf. #2.75. 


mont, wandered through the Tennessee 
Valley before TVA and from time to time 
since has watched with sympathetic under- 
standing the changes in the lives of the 
Valley people wrought by that enterprise. 
He recounts a "history ... of beauty, 
waste and attempted redemption . . . sim- 
ple ideas" in the simple but penetrating 
style with which readers of Survey Graphic 
are familiar. 

He sees through to the central core of 
TVA: dams and hydropower are transient, 
reservoirs will silt up, new sources of energy 
will be found; only ideas are enduring. And 
the idea of TVA, recently presented so 
fervently by Chairman David E. Lilienthal 
in his great book, "TVA: Democracy on 
the March," is here presented succinctly, 
objectively, in homely pipe-and-tweed writ- 
ing. It is the use of science and government 
as the tools of 2,800,000 people to achieve 
their own creative self-expression and ad- 
vancement. "The pioneer stock . . . still 
has character and virility. What is needed 
was something outside itself of which it 
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC.) 


had been robbed by unhappy circumstances. 
It needed hope for the future." 

For over a decade, Charles Krutch, chief 
photographer for TVA, has pictured farms, 
fields, eroded hillsides, floodlighted valleys 
in which dams were building, the stark 
beauty of spillways, penstocks, generators 
and the people of the Valley. It is hard 
to say whether this generous sampling of 
fine work by him and his staff illustrates 
the text well or whether Mr. Duffus has 
written a fitting commentary on the pic- 
tures. The happy collaboration has pro- 
duced a satisfying book. 

National Housing Agency 

Finer. International Labor Office. $2 boards, 
#1.50 paper. 

number of statesmen and writers who have 
raised their voices in favor of a United 
Nations or international authority of some 
kind to deal with physical and economic 
development on a regional basis in the 
war-devastated countries. In a speech in 
1942 the vice-president said: "There must 
be an international bank and an interna- 
tional TVA." 

In a book put out by the International 
Labor Office, Mr. Finer presents the whole 
mosaic of the TVA experiment, breaking 
it down into its various parts: the taming 
of the waterway with its integrated and 
unified program of flood control, power 
generation, and navigation; the power de- 
velopment; the land use and fertilizer pro- 

4 Recent 

Committee for 

research studies 

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Providing for Unemployed Workers in the 

By Richard A. Lester, Associate Professor of Eco- 
nomics, Duke University. 154 pages, 5%x8%, $1.50 

Fully probes the probable scope and character of 
unemployment in the transition, its possible effects, 
and existing measures for meeting them. Among 
the factors examined are adequacy of unemployment 
compensation to sustain purchasing power, extent to 
which public works can be utilized for unemploy- 
ment, advantages or disadvantages of Federal public 
works programs as against local undertakings, and 
the value of a transition-period program of educa- 
tion and training for unemployed workers. 

Demobilization of Wartime Economic 

By John Maurice Clark, Professor of Economics, 
Columbia University. 210 pages, 5V 4 x8%, $1.75 

Deals with the many-sided question of economic 
controls put into effect because of the war, and 
how they should be relaxed with the approach of 
peace. Presents a thorough survey of the kinds of 
controls, their objectives, authority, effect, etc., 
analyzes carefully the varying circumstances under 
which need for them may abate, and offers specific 
recommendations for the time, manner, and decree 
of their cessation which will most support objectives 
of high production and job opportunities in the 
postwar period. 

The Liquidation of War Production 

By A. D. H. Kaplan, Professor of Economics, Univer- 
sity of Denver. 133 pages, 5^x83,4, $1.50 

This volume analyzes the score and nature of the 
problems involved in cancelling war production 
contracts and in disposing of war goods surpluses 
and government-owned plants. Impartially discusses 
how, when, and by whom the problems should be 
handled and presents concrete proposals for recon- 
version that will contribute to production and job 
opportunities in the postwar period. 

Production, Jobs and Taxes 

By Harold M. Craves, Professor of Economics, 
University of Wisconsin. 115 pages, 5%x8%, $1.25 

This book shows the important role federal tax- 
ation can play in maintaining stability through high 
levels of production and in encouraging business to 
create job opportunities. It brings to the front the 
ways in which taxation affects initiative and out- 
lines the means and specific tax changes for build- 
ing a tax program that will make the most of 
business potentialities within desirable economic and 
social limitations. 

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Controls, $1.75 

D Kaplan The Liquidation of War Production. 

D Groves Production. Jobs and Taxes. $1.25 


City and State 
Position . 

Company S.O. 2-45 

(Books sent on approval In the United States only.) 

gram; the intricate and related problems 
involved in the relocation of families with 
the impounding of water behind the dams. 
The author covers the entire scope of TVA, 
appraising the difficulties involved in each 
step of the program as well as the pro- 
gress achieved. 

Then, in the light of the American ex- 
periment, he presents the problems of an 
international TVA, posing without bias the 
serious difficulties which inevitably would 
be encountered. In his words: "The pur- 
pose of such an institution an interna- 
tional resources development authority 
would presumably be to contribute to 
raising the standard of living in under- 
developed countries by means of long term 
credits and technical assistance which 
would foster economic enterprise. In some 
degree, which would have to be the object 
of serious inquiry, financial assistance and 
administrative support of these enterprises 
would come under the general good offices 
of such an international agency." 

Mr. Finer states frankly that "depart- 
ments of world government, regulation, or 
control, are today only in their incipient 
stage and hence there must be vagueness 
on the place and relationships that a de- 
velopment authority should possess." But 
he points to the possibility that a number of 
new international institutions with eco- 
nomic or financial functions may be estab- 
lished after the war, and that any 
international lending agency should be 
integrated in, and should collaborate with, 
other institutions. He hopefully adds: "In- 
ternational lending policies, properly ap- 
plied, would have a significance greater 
than any particular financial and economic 
services that are rendered. They could aid 
in the building and expansion of a more 
unified and better balanced world econo- 

The book is well documented with sub- 
stantiating facts and statistics without im- 
peding its readability. 

capitalism. It has suffered from the his- 
torical fallacy which assumes that whatever 
things happen together must logically be- 
long together. Both fascist and communist 
critics have successfully pointed out the 
weaknesses of democracy; and both sides 
seem erroneously to maintain, for example, 
that since the democratic movement grew 
up with capitalism, its survival without 
capitalism would be inconceivable. There 
are many other charges against democracy; 
with the consequence that its defenders 
have come to understand that another, and 
more valid, philosophical basis must be 
found for it. 

Some persons have sought to base it in 
metaphysical realism, and have made 
philosophical studies to that end. Others 
have approached the problem more cau- 
tiously and piecemeal, seeking to overhaul 
and to save one foundation stone at a time. 
Among this latter group may be counted 
Miss Stapleton. She has chosen the idea of 
justice, and upon the revision of our no- 
tions of this universal she pins her hopes 
for democracy. The same hope has been 
sought in the idea of tolerance. Justice 
is a legal notion; tolerance a humanitarian 
one. Democracy is a political conception, 
and its true basis ought to be sought in the 
theory of politics. 

Incidentally, Vico is very much mis- 
understood in this work. Vico was not a 
historicist nor a relativist; he was, on the 
other hand, a friend of science. He sought 
to save the realism of Plato which he did 
not find inconsistent with the empiricism 
of science. JAMES FEIBLEMAN 

Author of "Positive Democracy" 

WORLD, by Wendell Berge. Public Affairs 
Press, Washington, D. C. #3.25. 


aging evidence that under Wendell Berge 
leadership the anti-trust division of 
Department of Justice will continue to 

Office of Community War Services 
Federal Security Agency 

Laurence Stapleton. University of North 
Carolina Press. $2.50. 


since the Renaissance, has limited its no- 
tion of reality to the mind of man and the 
material world. These two conceptual re- 
sults of the implicit acceptance of the 
nominalistic premise displaced a restrictive 

KATHERINE GLOVER a vigorous and effective advocate of 

cause of economic freedom. Such advc 
will be sorely needed in the confusion 
postwar years. 

A large amount of the stocks and bone 
which we are accustomed to think of a 
private wealth owe their entire value to the 
fact that they represent the power to keep 
independent enterprise from producing 
goods. Vested interests in such organiza- 
tions have grown so large that they cannot 
be disturbed without serious economic dis- 
locations for millions of people who are de- 

metaphysical realism which, in the Church's pendent on them. It would be unreasonable 
hands, had earned a bad name for all to expect the management of such busi- 
nesses to give up without a fight. 

Railroad investment is a case in point. 
A large portion of the $26,000,000,000 in 

realism. But the Church, in its organiza- 
tion and accepted dogma, has never been 
metaphysically realistic; it has rather been 

neo-Platonic. Under the false philosophy railway stocks and bonds will lose its value 

of nominalism, however, two good things 
were brought to birth: democracy and 
science. They have been interpreted nomin- 
alistically, whereas they are clearly realistic. 
Now that events in our culture have dem- 
onstrated the falsity of the nominalistic 
philosophy, how can we save democracy? 
Democracy was born into an age of 

if new forms of transportation over roads, 
waterways, and airways are permitted the 
same kind of unrestricted development that 
gave us our cheap and efficient automobiles. 
And so there will be a powerful drive from 
railroad interests to slow down the growth 
of competing forms of transportation. If 
drives like this succeed in American in- 

nominalistic movements: individualism, dustry we shall be faced with the same kind 
subjectivism, irrationalism, Protestantism, of depression we had before that is, a 

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,) 


depression created by the fact that we re- 
fuse to utilize to its fullest extent the pro- 
ductive wealth of America in order to 
protect obsolete capital values. 

The second force against the philosophy 
of free enterprise will come from those lib- 
erals who are not content to allow compe- 
tition to solve a problem such as transpor- 
tation. They desire some over-all plan. 
They are the kind of people who believe 
that the automobile would have developed 
faster in America, and without the dis- 
tressing bankruptcy of so many automobile 
manufacturers, had a government bureau 
planned automobile expansion. I have read 
reviews criticizing Mr. Berge's book for its 
failure to produce some over-all plan. Of 
such persons it can only be said that they 
do not understand either the philosophy or 
the practical operation of competitive capi- 

I am convinced that in the long run the 
economic philosophy of Mr. Berge's book 
will win out. Some nations like Russia 
may be able to subordinate the personalities 
of their individual businessmen to a vast 
government bureaucracy. But America can- 
not do this even if she tries. It is not our 
tradition or our cultural pattern. Our 
choice is not between competitive capital- 
ism and some other form of economic or- 
ganization. Our choice is rather between 
competitive capitalism and the utter con- 
fusion of conflicting and contradictory poli- 
cies and warring pressure groups which we 
have experienced during the last ten years. 
Judge, U3. Court of Appeals 

Ruth Gruber. Viking. 3.50. 


modern life in erstwhile polar wasteland. 
Although the author disavows any attempt 
to write "a red-blooded adventure story," 
readers will not find her straightforward 
matter-of-fact narrative lacking in any of 
the essentials that make a genuine thriller. 
Against the stark background of the frozen 
North, this story is warm with gripping 
episodes of man's struggles and triumphs 
in winning a place for himself under the 
midnight sun. 

When Miss Gruber's book first appeared 
in 1939, her travels and adventures were 
cortfined to a limited sector of the Soviet 
Arctic and her report was centered chiefly 
on how Russian men and women had 
created Port Igarka, a seaport within the 
Arctic Circle. Life in this north Siberian 
town is still a keystone of the revised 1944 
edition, but the interpretation has been 
broadened by an account of the author's 
later travels into northeastern Asia and 

Now the Soviet Arctic is seen in neigh- 
borhood to the American Far North. The 
opening of the Northern Sea Route around 
Eurasia, the blazing of polar air routes 
from the USSR to the USA, and the set- 
ding of the Asiatic arctic regions earlier 
seen in their inception are depicted in their 
later extensions: the allied convoys of war 
supplies to Russia via the northern seas to 
Murmansk and Archangel, the Alaska-Si- 
berian aerial staging route along which 

lend-lease war planes are ferried to the 
eastern Allied front, and the wide interest 
throughout Alaska in the progress civiliza- 
tion is making in the vast northern reaches 
of Soviet Asia. 

The story reads like a travelogue spiced 
with the telling details of intimate acquaint- 
ance with the ordinary and extraordinary 
people who inhabit the North today. Miss 
Gruber interviewed all the headline figures 
and put into the headlines many of the 
obscure. They are real persons; I have met 
many of them myself. 

Miss Gruber gives us the feminine angle, 
almost unique in the annals of Arctic ex- 
ploration, and carries forward to a new con- 
firmation Vilhjalmur Stefansson's message 

to modern man that the north country is 
hospitable a Friendly Arctic. It is most 
appropriate that her book should carry a 
preface by Stefansson, dean of living Amer- 
ican explorers. In 1932 Ruth Gruber be- 
came the youngest doctor of philosophy in 
the world; in 1944 one might call her the 
world's most distinguished woman explorer 
of the Arctic. 

"If the Arctic has any message to the 
world," she writes, "beyond its first mes- 
sage of proving that the country was habit- 
able, with fabulous wealth and infinite eco- 
nomic and strategic possibilities, that mes- 
sage was to show what women could do, 
if you gave them the chance. It was a 
lesson to counteract the horrible medieval 

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new men and women of power." 

Beginner Earns $1,819.00 

"Today I received a check for $165 for a story. An- 
other I sold for $34. The other day I counted up just 
how much I made previously. It amounted to $1,620.00. 
Not bad for a beginner, is it?" Mrs. L. L. Gray, 579 E. 
McHarg Ave., Stamford, Texas. 


THE Newspaper Institute of America offers a free Writing Aptitude Test. Its 
object is to discover new recruits for the army of men and women who add to 
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Not all applicants pass this test. Those who do are qualified to take the famous 
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Newspaper Institute's 
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(All correspondence confidential. No salesman will call on yon.) 


Copyright 1945 Newspaper Institute of America. 
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,) 





By James T. Shotwell 

Here is one of the most con- 
structive plans that has yet 
been offered toward the 
ideal of world peace. Dr. 
ShotwelFs realistic and in- 
formed experience in inter- 
national affairs lends enor- 
mous weight to his forecast 
of what can, and must, be 
done. $3.00 

"A remarkable compendium of a 
vast subject, by the very best 
authority." The New Republic. 

"Should be read seriously, before 
it is too late again." Chicago 


For every 
interested in 
the future of 
his country 

Special Interests vs (he Public Welfare 


Author of Where's The Money Coming From? 

When the war ends, will peace come? 
Mr. Chase says no not so long as 400- 
odd pressure groups with their Wash- 
ington lobbies continue to put their 
selfish interests above the public inter- 
est. Mr. Chase points out legitimate 
needs for group representation in our 
democracy, but paints a searing picture 
of danger from the unrestrained selfish- 
ness of warring special interests. A 
vivid, timely report for every American 
to read and ponder as a new Congress 

This is the fourth 
volume in Stuart 
Chase's series, WHEN 





330 West 42nd Street 
New York IS 


lesson women were learning in Germany 
and Italy. It was a guidepost to women 
in the great democracies who were still 
struggling for economic and social emanci- 
pation, now that most of them had the 
vote. . . . 

"To be sure, the present was not Utopia, 
not even in the Arctic. But the Russians 
were the first to admit it. ... To them 
the Soviet Arctic was the greatest pioneer- 
ing venture in the modern world. For it 
was opening not only a new world, but it 
was finding a new social philosophy, a new 
freedom, and a new way of life." 

Co-author of "Soviet Asia" 

FRANCES WILLARD From Prayers to Poli- 
tics, by Mary Earhart. University of Chicago 
Press. #3.75. 


title of this book because he is not inter- 
ested in a little bow of white ribbon or 
the temperance cause for which it stands, 
will make a grave mistake. For this biog- 
raphy is as American as pioneering, as uni- 
versal as human nature, as modern as social 

It is, moreover, that highly prized and 
equally American phenomenon, a "success 
story." With scant schooling, Frances Wil- 
lard became the first dean of the Woman's 
College of Northwestern University. Reared 
in isolation, bound by strict tenets of ortho- 
doxy, she became an astute politician, a 
brilliant speaker and led a world organiza- 
tion of a million women, creating "the 
flood tide of a woman's movement which 
should sweep aside restraints and barriers 
of seclusion, of timidity, and of ignorance." 

While the Woman's Christian Temper- 
ance Union was the principal medium of 
her activities, she made this field as broad 
as human need. Not only did her followers 
storm legislative halls and bury the legis- 
lators under a mound of petitions for local 
option, they also took part in political cam- 
paigns, fought for woman suffrage, for 
better labor legislation, and urged world 
arbitration and peace. 

Were these less troubled times, this book 
might easily stir a storm of controversy 

her own remembered fervor would have 
breathed life into the framework so pains- 
takingly reconstructed. But perhaps that 
would have robbed her of the courage to 
say what she has said. And that would have 
been a great loss. LENA MADESIN PHILLIPS 
President, International Federation 
of Business and Professional Women 


A. Fitzpatrick. Columbia University Press. 

best in the American way of life. The 
son of immigrant parents, working his 
way through Brown and the University 
of Wisconsin to a Ph. D., he devoted his 
life to broadening the frontiers of pub- 
lic service in this country. He created 
a new species of political institution to em- 
body his ideals which grew to a rich flow- 
ering in his adopted state, Wisconsin, and 
spread to every other state capitol and to 
Washington. Though he did not live 
to the age of fifty, he left an indelible 
mark upon the thinking of his contem- 
poraries and the future processes of gov- 
ernment as a tool for the promotion of the 
general welfare. 

McCarthy of "the Wisconsin Idea" has 
been known, aside from his friends of 
whom many are still living, to a small 
circle of educators and public officials. 
Yet thousands have been the beneficiaries 
of his idea of a legislative reference and 
drafting service to aid the people's repre- 
sentatives to fashion statutes that would 
effectuate what they wanted to accom- 

His contribution to Wisconsin and to 
American politics did not end with the 
invention and refinement of the legisla- 
tive reference and drafting device. For 
the first two decades of this century, he 
utilized a minor administrative position 
in a single state capital to animate the 
programs of political leaders of every per- 
suasion within and without the state. 

In the Progressive Era, he was a major 
taproot from which flowed the intellec- 
tual and moral sap of the vital forces 
alike of the New Freedom and Arma- 

within the circles of organized women. For geddon. A natural human sympathy with 
Miss Earhart lifts Frances Willard from the the under-dog infused his spirit. A pow- 
exclusive possession of the WCTU and erful intellect translated aspirations into 

makes her the foremost leader of the cen- 
tury in the woman movement. She thinks 
Miss Willard has too long been denied "her 
rightful place in history. Women of lesser 
stature, like Elizabeth Cady Stanton and 
Susan B. Anthony, have been accorded far 
greater prominence by historians than she, 
although it is probable that her contribution 
to the woman suffrage movement alone far 
surpassed that of either of these notable 

This is a double charge of dynamite. But 
the biographer makes an excellent case, 
amply documented. Although a first book, 
the style is clear, concise, easy. But it is a 
research worker's record. Everything is 
there, yet nothing quite comes to life, sings 
and surges into reality experienced. One 
almost wishes that Miss Earhart herself 
had known years of crusading under the 
direct influence of a great leader so that 
answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC^ 

workable legislative formulas for sound 
progressive taxation, for effective agricul- 
tural and labor legislation, for broader ed- 
ucational opportunity, for a professional 
civil service, and for dozens of other ideas 
which are today the keystones of prog- 
ress in all our states. 

This warm and human biography 
a friend and co-worker in Wisconsin is 
rich addition not only to the literature 
political science but to the saga that 
America. Here was a man capable and 
eager to seize an opportunity for servic 
to the people, who never deserted their 
trust in him for the greater rewards 
money which were more than once of- 
fered him, who died as he had lived ir 
that service. 

The author has put us in his deb 
by revealing the personality behind "th 
Wisconsin Idea." The work, so finely 

portrayed here, lives on as concrete 
achievement in our governmental system 
and as proof of the efficacy of effort. 

Queens College, New Yor/( 

TICS, edited by Edward Conrad Smith and 
Arnold John Zurcher. Barnes & Noble. #3. 


reader of newspapers and weeklies. Its 
compact entries, written by fourteen au- 
thorities in the field of political science, 
define and explain more than 3,000 terms, 
ranging from the American political slang 
of this and other periods to Supreme Court 
cases and the names of military decora- 
dons. The present volume is a revision and 
enlargement of a dictionary originally pub- 
lished in 1888, with a second edition put 
out in 1924. B.A. 


To THE EDITOR: I suppose authors are never 
satisfied with reviews of their books, yet 
I have written three and never before have 
I complained. As a public official I learned 
to receive criticism and like it, but the re- 
view of "Freedom from Fear" [Survey 
Graphic, November 1944, page 468] hurt 
me, not because it is critical or because it 
disagrees that is the right of any reviewer. 
My grievance is that the comment distorts 
the aim and purpose, and even more im- 
portant, misstates what the book says. My 
main purpose was to show that we cannot 
have social security at home unless there is 
security and employment in other nations 
too that a United States of Europe, a free 
flow of trade, and international economic 
agencies such as envisioned at Bretton 
Woods and Dumbarton Oaks are as neces- 
sary to peace and prosperity here as they 
are to the rest of the world. The whole 
book turns on this point, yet there is not a 
suggestion of it in the review. 

As for social security at home, on which 
the reviewer concentrates, the review delib- 
erately misstates what the book says about 
accident and health companies, experience 
rating, Sir William Beveridge and the Bev- 
eridge Plan, the sound and logical extension 
of social security, and passes over the many 
positive and constructive suggestions for 
progress along social and economic lines 
which the book advocates. Let me take 
just one sample. 

Your reviewer says that the book "warns 
against undue liberalization of the federal 
old age and survivors' insurance system 
lest it discourage private initiative." As a 
matter of fact, my book favors the ex- 
tension of old age and survivorship insur- 
ance and says that it is: 

". . . one of the most satisfactory of our 
governmental services. It provides pensions 
for those who reach sixty-five and have 
retired. Though intended primarily for the 
lower income group, as a matter of admin- 
istrative simplicity, all are subject to its reg- 
ulations and are required to contribute on 
the first $3,000 of income. Since many 
who have large earnings find themselves 
practically penniless in their old age, this 
protection should be a source of satisfaction 
to people in all walks of life. The pro- 

vision for widows with small children, or 
widows who have reached sixty-five, is also 
progressive and desirable. 

"The amendments suggested by the 
National Resources Planning Board for in- 
creasing benefits in the low income brackets 
seem desirable. Benefits should be deter- 
mined not only by contributions but by 
considerations of 'social adequacy.' That 
employes of nonprofit corporations should 
be covered is obvious; they should never 
have been excluded. The suggestion of the 
Planning Board for the inclusion of agri- 
cultural and domestic workers is also logi- 
cal and sound; there is no argument, except 

difficulty of administration, for discriminat- 
ing against people who are apt to need 
protection most." (page 138) 

The reviewer suggests that the book is 
merely a front for the private insurance 
companies, but anyone who knows any- 
thing about my record as State Superin- 
tendent of Insurance (New York) will re- 
sent this. It may add to the peace of mind 
of the reviewer to know that the only 
serious criticism I have received, outside his 
own, is from the executive of a large insur- 
ance company who says that the book is 
unfair to industrial insurance. 
New Yor/^ Louis H. PINK 

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(Continued from page 59) 

use. At this writing, it is said that only 
about one hundred helicopters are in ex- 
istence in the United States, all of them 
used by the armed forces. 

Of many improvements to be made, per- 
haps the one least assured is the ability to 
land in a small space when the engine stops. 
Without power, landing is safer with a 
forward motion, especially if the power 
goes off accidentally. But if city landing 
areas for helicopters should be large enough 
for emergency, power-off landings, then 
much of the advantage of the helicopter 
in adapting to congested areas is lost. 

How this problem will be solved is not 
clear; very probably by improving engines 
and mechanisms 'so that the likelihood of 
the engine stopping, except at the will of 
the pilot, will be exceedingly small. Even 
now a helicopter engine cannot stall as does 
an automobile engine. And if presently the 
chances of a helicopter engine stopping art- 
no greater than of an airplane overturning 
at the take-off, certainly people will use 
them. Helicopters will follow air lanes over 
the city, with emergency landing areas 
along the lanes. A city located on a body 
of water will have convenient emergency 
landings on its lake, river or harbor. 

For landings near homes, vacant lots or 
parks will serve and the helicopter with 
wheels may then be driven along the 
ground into a garage at the residence. 

By the end of the first decade after the 
war, there may be many hundred thousands 
of helicopters, which will curtail the use of 
private airplanes. Helicopters are likely to 
be used first by professionals, such as the 
Coast Guard, the Forestry Service, by cattle- 
men, and for scheduled passenger trans- 
portation. Although helicopters are now 
slower in speed than the airplane, this is 
not likely to be a deterrent since they travel 
betwen 100 and 150 miles an hour, and 
later they will go even faster. 

The postwar price contemplated now is 
around $5,000 for a small helicopter, 
though early models today, not produced by 
assembly line methods, probably cost $100,- 
000 to build. Later they are expected to be 
priced at about the present figure for private 
airplanes. It may be a very long time before 
they are sold at less than $1,000 or $1,500. 

A helicopter is not likely to be a substi- 
tute for an automobile, and probably the 
majority of owners of helicopters will also 
own cars. Before the war, there were 752,- 
000 persons and families with incomes of 
$10,000 a year and over, and 2,086,000 with 
incomes of $5,000 and above. It is from 
these income groups that the owners of 
helicopters are likely to come, but only a 
small minority of these groups are apt to 
own helicopters in the second decade after 
the war. In contrast to this are the 20,000,- 
000 owners of private automobiles. 

The fact that a helicopter owner will 
need a car as well suggests that the two be 
combined into a single vehicle. Both the 
flying automobile and the roadable heli- 
copter are technically possible. But it is 

"difficult to make a vehicle that moves in 
two media as well as in one alone. In the 
past, no amphibious vehicle has been as 
good as the single purpose one built for 
land or water only. A roadable helicopter is 
not expected to be a good automobile. It 
will be heavier and more complicated than 
a non-roadable helicopter. 

However, the old autogiro could run 
along the ground at about 40 miles an hour. 
A helicopter that could do as well would 
have a greatly increased flexibility of use. 
An owner with a garage but no landing 
space at his residence could use it. It could 
be stored more easily in city buildings for 
parking. Suburbanites could travel on the 
ground to nearby shopping centers. Up to 
now, there has been less talk about a road- 
able helicopter than about a roadable plane. 
But the demand for a roadable helicopter 
probably will be very great and there would 
seem to be a rather high probability of its 
development, perhaps in the second decade 
after the war. A roadable helicopter would 
need to be cheaper than the combined price 
of an automobile and a helicopter. Even so, 
roadable helicopters are not likely to replace 
very many automobiles. 

The car is an excellent means of trans- 
portation in a country of good roads like 
the United States. After the postwar tran- 
sition period, the automobile will be im- 
proved in construction, as manufacturers 
take advantage of today's technological de- 
velopments. Improvements will include 
lightness in weight, greater visibility, great- 
er engine efficiency, increased durability, 
and more convenience in design. In speed, 
automobiles cannot compete with aircraft, 
but the speed of aviation will be available 
in common carrier planes, irrespective of 
the developments of private aircraft. 

Adjusting to the Air Age 

The foregoing picture is set forth with 
the thought that it is a relatively reliable 
estimate of what may be expected in the 
predictable future. It will be necessary to 
make many adjustments in our institutions 
and habits for such a new and radical 
change. A few illustrations may be listed 
as suggestions. 

Scheduled air passenger and cargo trans- 
portation will be especially significant for 
undeveloped countries such as Alaska, the 
interiors of South America, Africa and Cen- 
tral Asia. The airplane is particularly adap- 
table to undeveloped areas, not only because 
of its speed, but because landing fields can 
be built more readily than highways or rail- 
roads. The natural resources of these un- 
developed areas will be exploited. Other 
forms of transportation will follow aviation. 
In the United States, the Pacific Coast will 
be connected more closely to the areas east 
of the Mississippi River. 

Larger numbers of our population will 
travel to foreign countries and thus widen 
their knowledge of the customs and habits 
of other nations. International isolation, 
both political and economic, will be im- 
possible. Great Britain and Latin America 
will be drawn commercially closer to the 
United States. Aviation will offer American 
business many new opportunities for in- 
vestment and trade. 

The influence of aviation in a warlike 
world is further to weaken the small nations 
and to strengthen the great powers, espe- 
cially those with large land areas. Small 
nations already are being tied closer to ad- 
joining or nearby great powers. It will be 
more difficult to be neutral in future wars. 
In a warlike world, aviation for a time 
encourages a sort of feudalism among 
nations, perhaps later on integration. One 
international world seems immeasurably 
far off. 

The small plane and small helicopter 
will call for a great variety of adjustments. 
In agriculture, the helicopter will be widely 
used for spraying and dusting and even 
seeding. The helicopter has proved its value 
in rescue work. The preservation of forests 
will be aided. The helicopter should modify 
greatly the work of the cowboy and the 
sheep herder. In mining, aviation means a 
great expansion through its use in prospect- 
ing undeveloped areas. Color photography 
and the helicopter are very useful in ex- 
ploration of natural resources. 

The areas of buying and selling will be 
widened for various businesses, and for 
some goods there will be new markets. 
Business transactions will be speeded. Pack- 
ing methods will be radically changed, in 
many instances in favor of lightness. The 
use of light-weight materials may extend 
to railroad cars, automobile bodies, and 
other fields. Helicopters' will be used by 
the police, by patrols, and also by smug- 
glers and other criminals. 

New Ways and New Attitudes 

In the space of a single article it is not 
possible to consider in detail the social 
effects of a new dimension of travel and 
commerce. But let us glance at a few prob- 

In recreation the trend toward the utili- 
zation of the weekend for pleasure trips 
will be furthered, especially to different 
climates, to scenes of woodland beauty, and 
to wilderness areas that attract sportsmen 
or campers. There is the possibility of great- 
er international competition in sports and, 
at least in the United States, a further na- 
tionalization of the sport spectacle. 

In education, some phase of aviation will 
find its way into practically every course of 
the school system. The teaching of geog- 
raphy will be most radically affected. The 
history of the Oriental peoples and their 
civilizations will be a part of the curricula. 
Aviation also will extend student exchange, 
especially perhaps in the graduate schools 
of the large universities. 

The religious activity which will be in- 
fluenced most by aviation will be foreign 
missions. Obviously, mission administration 
can be improved by use of the airplane, and 
the emphasis of the missionary work of the 
air age is likely to be concerned less with 
customs and more with the spirit of religion 
and with the extension of services medical, 
educational, welfare. Perhaps home missions 
at a later date may find the helicopter use- 
ful in extending the area the pastor can 
visit and bringing outlying members closer 
to the church. Secularization is not dis- 
couraged by aviation. 

It is quite possible that aviation will fur- 


ther the use of basic English, in view of the 
great role of the United States and Great 
Britain in aviation, and the increased de- 
mand for a common tongue at the landing 

As to family life, it is the well-to-do who 
will be affected first by aviation. Occasional 
residences will be located farther from cities, 
on the rim of suburbs. If helicopter buses 
are not frequent enough, private helicopters 
may connect the home with through-service 
of one kind or another. Helicopters also 
will mean larger residential land space for 
their owners. Aviation, like all travel media, 
leads to wider scattering of members of the 
family. No doubt, too, like the automobile, 
aircraft may lead to some competitive family 
rivalries for social recognition and display. 
The birthrate may be lowered slightly and 
the deathrate probably increased by a very 
small fraction. The redistribution of popu- 
lation will be a slow process, not rapid as 
in the case of the railroads. Planes will 
follow present population routes. But even- 
tually population will be spread to outlying 
regions, for instance, Alaska, if the eco- 
nomic base exists. Also regions like the 
Pacific Coast will gain in population since 
the spread of aviation will enable big 
markets to be tapped. 

A great development like aviation is like- 
ly to leave an impression on our thinking. 
International ideas and considerations and 
less provincialism are to be looked for, 
though the first influence probably will be 
to accentuate national interests and rivalries 
among the larger powers. Travel will be 
fashionable and its broadening influence 
felt. Racial issues are likely to be raised. 
But even the village storekeeper will have 
to learn to think in terms of the world, 
rather than of Main Street. The tempo of 
living will be increased, and time will be 
watched even more closely than now. For 
those who see a dichotomy between the 
spiritual and the material, aviation appears 
likely in the main to strengthen the forces 
of the machine and of material progress. 


(Continued from page 65) 

the time for reform had passed and that 
today only complete independence could be 
satisfactory. Everywhere, at all times, 
Puerto Ricans are talking of status. 

Munoz Marin would like to postpone 
the promised plebiscite until the end of 
the war. He may have to call it much 
earlier or appeal to the people over the 
heads of many of the prominent men in 
his own party. He also may have to sub- 
mit some proposal on status to Washing- 
ton, to forestall action on the part of the 
insular legislature contrary to his purposes. 
Even if the reform bill now pending in 
Congress were passed in its original form, 
giving Puerto Ricans the right to elect 
their governor and other officials now ap- 
pointed by the President, and assurance that 
future changes in the Organic Act will be 
made only with the approval of the people 
of Puerto Rico, it is questionable whether 
it would be acceptable, though the demand 
for immediate and unqualified independ- 

ence might be weakened. On the other 
hand, the Reform Bill as adopted by the 
senate is satisfactory to no one. 

Certainly anyone who has been in Puerto 
Rico for a time can see that the United 
States should adopt toward the island a 
definite, clear-cut, dependable policy, which 
will assure it consistent treatment and in- 
creasing autonomy. So many Puerto Ricans 
recognize not only the desirability but the 
necessity of continued close relationship 
with the United States that they might, 
upon the basis of established, firm, and 
progressive colonial policy, prevail over the 
independence faction. 

Puerto Rico Has Money to Spend 

Despite the problem which it must face 
on the independence issue, no party in 
Puerto Rico ever took office under pros- 
pects as bright as those of the Popular 
Democrats. Not only are they in complete 
control, but they have, relatively speaking, 

incident. The student council of the Uni- 
versity of Puerto Rico, without the knowl- 
edge of any responsible officer of the uni- 
versity, invited the president of the student 
organization of the University of Havana 
to visit Puerto Rico. He himself did not 
come, but two Cuban students, without 
legal authority to enter the island, reached 
Puerto Rico on a Cuban navy plane and 
gave independence talks to university stu- 
dents and others. When it was discovered 
that their papers were not in order they 
were asked to leave the island. 

Other evidences that agitation for inde- 
pendence is growing are not lacking. A 
meeting of the "Pro-Independence Con- 
gress" was held on December 10, with 
delegates from all over the island in 
attendance. The very word independence 
was greeted with shouts of enthusiasm, and 
the general sense of the meeting was that 

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an enormous amount ot money with which 
to work. 

On June 30, 1944, the Puerto Rican 
Treasury had a free surplus of approxi- 
mately $75,000,000, which will have in- 
creased to well over $100,000,000 by the 
end of the present fiscal year. This money 
comes in large part from the internal 
revenue tax on rum sold in the United 
States, which, under the Jones Act (1917), 
is returned to the insular government. In- 
come from this source alone amounted to 
$63,884,357 during the fiscal year 1943-44, 
compared to $13,550,000 for the previous 
fiscal year. 

The new government is also fortunate 
in that it will be guided in its economic 
program by over-all planning much more 
extensive than any planning yet done on 
the mainland. To proponents of economic 
planning, the next few years in Puerto Rico 
promise to be extremely interesting, since 
it will be the first time in any part of the 
United States that long term planning on 
such a broad scale has been attempted. 

And a Six-year Plan for Spending 

The Puerto Rico Planning, Urbanizing, 
and Zoning Board, set up in 1942, has 
just issued its revised Six- Year Plan for 
the fiscal years 1945-46 through 1950-51. 
This plan will be submitted to the insular 
legislature as a guide for appropriations. 
The plan recommends the expenditure of 
$322,000,000 in improvements "necessary 
to the health and well-being of the people 
of Puerto Rico." This is a long way to 
go in six years and, if the plan is put into 
effect, Puerto Rico, at the end of that 
period, will be far different from what it 
is today. 

It is regrettable that the one place with- 
in the boundaries of the United States 
where economic planning has been really 
accepted, has certain peculiar problems 
which seriously increase the difficulties of 
planning. The Puerto Rico Planning, Ur- 
banizing, and Zoning Board is, in its Six- 
Year Plan, limited to financial planning. 
And even there it must proceed without 
knowing for what kind of political entity 
it is planning. Should its recommenda- 
tions be directed toward a Puerto Rico 
in the present colonial status, toward a 
free Puerto Rico, toward a Puerto Rico 
linked to the United States in some kind 
of dominion status, or toward a State of 
Puerto Rico? Long term plans, to be re- 
alistic, must be in terms of a settled politi- 
cal future. If Puerto Rico becomes inde- 
pendent, for example, the entire economy 
of the island will change. 

In its current Six-Year Plan, the board 
assumes continuance of the present politi- 
cal status and, therefore, the plan contem- 
plates federal aid for housing, roads, edu- 
cation, health in fact, all the infinite va- 
rieties of help which Puerto Rico receives 
from continental United States. It pre- 
sumes the continued return to the insular 
government of the internal revenue tax 
on rum, which at present forms the back- 
bone of insular income, and which the 
planning board estimates at 43.4 percent 
of total income for the next six years. 

This dilemma in which the board finds 

itself is, of course, merely a reflection of 
that of any insular government which at- 
tempts to plan for the future. Political 
uncertainty, dependence upon a distant and 
fundamentally uninterested federal Con- 
gress, which nonetheless has power to over- 
turn at will any program the insular gov- 
ernment may undertake, in large part ex- 
plains why, before 1940, no government 
had ever undertaken a long time program 
to solve the island's economic and social 

For the island as a whole, the first re- 
quirements of a social program are water 
and sewerage systems, schools, and hospi- 
tals. Not more than 22 percent of the en- 
tire population, urban as well as rural, 
now has access to running water. An even 
smaller proportion has access to any kind 
of sewer or sanitary system. Close to half 
of the school population is not in school, 
because there are neither schools nor teach- 
ers enough to care for them. 

The Six- Year Plan calls for the estab- 
lishment of about half of the needed water 
supply and sewerage systems within the 
six years; it proposes the construction of 
9,300 new classrooms at an expenditure 
of $28,560,000. Even this will provide only 
about half the schools required to make ef- 
fective the island's compulsory education 

In the matter of health, although a six- 
year building program totaling close to 
$25,000,000 is proposed, with a very great- 
ly increased budget for current expenses, 
it is only about one third of the expendi- 
tures needed to meet modern health stand- 
ards. As to housing, it is believed by the 
planning board that within the six years, 
and with federal aid, most of the urban 
slums can be cleared. 

All of this is one way of saying that, if 
the Popular Democratic Party does not de- 
stroy itself, or permit others to destroy it, 
on the issue of political status, the next few 
years will see enormous betterment in the 
economic and social conditions in Puerto 


(Continued from page 48) 

Labor Relations Acts fortify the boards they 
set up by providing that the board's find- 
ings "as to the facts, if supported by the 
evidence, shall be conclusive." The Tempor- 
ary Commission's draft inserted, instead, a 
provision that "the findings of the commis- 
sion as to the facts shall be conclusive only 
if supported by a fair preponderance of all 
evidence." The provision would have 
wrested from the Permanent Commission 
all real power in dealing with discrimina- 
tion and turn it over to the courts. Criti- 
cizing a similar provision in a federal bill 
for another purpose, the Committee on Ad- 
ministrative Procedure of the United States 
Department of Justice held that it would 
"require the courts to determine independ- 
ently which way the evidence preponder- 
ates. Administrative tribunals would be 
turned into little more than media for 
transmission of the evidence to the courts. 
It would destroy the value of adjudication 

ot tacts by experts or specialists in the field 

The resulting delays, with their drain on 
time and energy, would be only a small 
part of the price for such a change. The 
fact is that the success of such an ad- 
ministrative body depends on the expert 
and fully-informed judgment of men and 
women constantly concerned with these 
problems, and chosen for their sympathy 
with the purpose of the legislation. Under 
the amended set-up, the judgment of such 
experts would be replaced by that of mem- 
bers of the bench holding, quite naturally, 
widely variant views on so controversial an 
issue as equality in the right of employ- 

2. The Temporary Commission's draft 
provided that the Permanent Commission 
might obtain an order from the court for 
the enforcement of any ruling or order of 
its own only in the event of failure of com- 
pliance by the violator. These words could 
only mean that after the Permanent Com- 
mission had found that a complainant has 
suffered from a violation of the law, and 
after it had issued an order, the violator 
could block enforcement in the courts by 
claiming he had meanwhile corrected the 
situation. The commission would then have 
to hold a second hearing before a court 
order could be secured. 

As a matter of history, employers hostile 
to the National Labor Relations Act sought 
to have such a provision read into that law, 
but the federal courts refused, saying that 
such procedure would make a "merry-go- 
round" of it. 

3. Under the redraft only the employe or 
worker directly involved could file the com- 
plaint, which would be prerequisite to any 
action by the Permanent Commission. Such 
a complaint could not be filed by a union, 
by a religious organization, or even by an 
organization established for the very pur- 
pose of securing the rights of minorities. 

A procedure of this sort means, in prac- 
tice, that if complaint is to be filed, the 
worker involved must be able and willing 
to risk his own job, if he has one, or be- 
come known as a trouble-maker. Will a 
wage earner who has been passed over for 
promotion by reason of his color, race or 
creed dare do this? Will one who has 
found another job take on the burden of 
the situation once he has left it behind? 
Generally speaking, the answer to these 
questions is "No." The provision, there- 
fore, would have substantially undermined 
the enforcement of the high principles set 
forth in the proposed act. 

These flaws in the tentative proposals 
might be described as classic amendments 
repeatedly inserted or offered by persons op- 
posed to progressive administrative mea- 
sures in order to limit the powers of the 
agencies created to execute them. Happily, 
they were brought out into the open by tbe 
press and by participants in the public hear- 
ings of the commission. Supporters of the 
purposes of the bill predominated and 
called for stronger legislation. However, 
there is every reason to believe that the 
representatives of special interests, are at 
work to prevent any legislation at all. 


The 1945 Bills Themselves 

As this issue is in press, the Temporary 
Commission has submitted its definitive 
bills. Religious, social, and other non- 
profit organizations are still excluded from 
their scope. More seriously, only aggrieved 
individuals may file a complaint, and must 
do so within three months. But two other 
major criticisms in this analysis are met. 
Thus the preponderance-of-evidence rule 
laid down in the tentative proposals has 
been supplanted by a workable formula, 
giving proper weight to the findings of the 
Permanent Commission. More, the provi- 
sions for securing compliance with that 
commission's orders have been streamlined 
and greatly strengthened. The legislation 
recommended would mark a decisive step 
forward in the fight to end discrimination 
in employment. The fight at Albany will 
be a real one, and it is essential that New 
Yorkers who believe in the purpose of the 
bills do not allow any division over minor 
imperfections to play into the hands of their 

A limited number of opponents to such 
legislation appeared at the New York hear- 
ings in December. Some attempted to tag 
the bill as "communistic." Others professed 
that education rather than legislation is 
what is needed to correct discrimination on 
the part of employers and labor unions. 
That oft-repeated argument should be con- 
sidered in the perspective afforded by re- 
cent polls conducted by the National Opin- 
ion Research Center at Denver University. 
The Center reported on a cross-section of 
opinions held by white persons the country 
over. This showed that most complacency 
exists wherever discrimination against the 
Negro is most severe. Showed, moreover, 
that those who have had least opportunity 
for education themselves are most optimistic 
about the economic opportunities open to 
the Negro. The less schooling they have 
had, the more concerned they are about the 
job competition they will face should racial 
bars be lifted. Such attitudes do not pro- 
vide fertile soil for improvement through 
education alone. 

These polls revealed, also, how muddled 
and contradictory much of our thinking is. 
Thus, 35 percent of these white people reg- 
istered that their own standards of what is 
fair treatment on the other side of the color 
line are far different from those held by 
N'egroes themselves. Fifty percent answered 
that Negroes have the same chance as the 
rest of us to make a good living in this 
country. In another answer in the same 
questionnaire, 71 percent admitted that 
Negroes do not have just as good a chance 
as white people to get any kind of job. 
These answers should be read against an 
earlier survey by NORC which found that 
Xegroes consider economic discrimination 
the most important grievance they have 
I against white Americans. 

On the one hand, we see in such cross- 
I sections of opinion how complacency, vary- 
j ing standards, discrimination, and prejudice 
I among white Americans center on the key 
I problem of equality of economic opportun- 
ity. On the other hand, the most con- 
I eentrated sense of grievance among Negroes 
I stems from that same source. 

True, these polls show how much educa- 
tion is needed. But can the American 
people afford to wait until the least secure, 
least educated, and most prejudiced among 
us are transformed? Economic discrimina- 
tion is damaging alike to those against 
whom it is aimed and to those who practice 
it. Only legislation can crystallize our prin- 
ciples in standards for all of us and can 
provide the machinery to effectuate them. 


(Continued from page 62) 

inflation periods, and will leave the neces- 
sary deficits in periods of recession. To 
illustrate, when the national income fell to 
approximately half its former level in the 
depression of the Thirties, the personal in- 
come tax, in spite of an intervening increase 
in rates, dropped to one third. If, in addi- 
tion, the tax rates could be raised or low- 
ered as business conditions demand, the 
tax system might become a really useful in- 
strument of control even though it cannot 
be expected to do the job alone. 

The most encouraging factor in tax plans 
so far offered is that most of the planners 
recognize the close relationship of the tax 
system to the problem of full employment. 
Apparently they are all aware that however 
desirable a balanced budget may be, there 
is no hope of attaining it unless the whole 
economy prospers-. Tax reduction is no 
magician's wand and full employment 
will not be achieved by this method alone. 
Industry must learn that profits can be 
made from low prices and full production 
as well as from high prices and restricted 
output, and that profits from a low price 
policy are apt to be steadier than those from 
a high price policy. Tax policy can supple- 
ment price policy in achieving full employ- 
ment, but it cannot replace it. 

In short, while taxation may affect em- 
ployment, the complete solution of the 
problem of full employment will not be 
found in tax policy. It is in fact the other 
way round: full. employment is the first es- 
sential to any satisfactory solution of the tax 
problem. This must be borne in mind as 
we approach a period when the country's 
welfare may depend in no small degree on 
the full use of our labor force. 

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Superintendent and Matron in small New England 
Home for Boys. Write qualifications apd for 
information 8076 Survey. 


(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC.) 



A Graduate Professional School Offering a Program 
of Social Work Education Leading to the Degree of 
Master of Social Scienre. 

Academic Year Opens June 1945 

The Accelerated Coure provide* two years of aca- 
demic credits, covering two ieiotu of theory, nine 
months of field practice in selected social agencies, and 
the writing of a thesis. 

The demand is urgent for qualified social workers to 
serve in the reconstruction period. 

Contents for September, 1944 

The Changing Role of Social Work in an Expanding 
American Economy Eveline M. Burnt, Pk.D. 

Intake Interview! with Relatives of Piychotic Patients 

Either Goodale 

Behavior Problems of Bright and Dull Negro Children 

Teague Stradford 

The Adjustment of Handicapped Persons to Employment in 
War Time Clara SweelUnd 

For further information write to 


Northampton, MaaMchtuetts 


(Affiliated with the University of Pennsylvania) 

Professional Education For 

Social Administration 
Social Case Work 
Social Group Work 
Social Research 

Fall Semester, 1945-46, opens October 2, 1945. 
Applications received after February 1, 1945. 

Slimmer Institute, June 11 June 23. 
Announcement available February 15. 

Address, Secretary for Admissions 
2410 Pine Street 

Philadelphia 3, Penna. 


Professional Education Leading to the degree of M.S. 

Medical Social Work 
Psychiatric Social Work 
Community Work 

Family and Child Welfare 
Public Assistance 
Social Research 

Catalog will be sent on request. 
18 Somerset Street Beacon Hill, Boston 


The tenth in our series of Survey Graphic specials will be 
published soon. This special number written by Americans 
for Americans will deal with a new England tempered by five 
war years; with the British system from London to Montreal, 
from Sydney to Cape Town. It will trace realistically our 
wartime collaboration from joint boards at Washington to the 
furthest fronts and come to grips with divergencies and things 
in common with the choices ahead for Americans and 
Britishers alike. Watch for it! 

SURVEY GRAPHIC 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N.Y. 



FELLOWSHIPS 1945-1946 

Commonwealth Fund: For advanced training 
in psychiatric social work. 

Group Work: A limited number of fellowships 
for men and women living outside the metro- 
politan area who are interested in group work. 

Recent College Graduates : A limited number of 
fellowships for men and women living outside 
the metropolitan area who have graduated since 

Tuition Fellowships: A limited number of fel- 
lowships providing tuition for three quarters. 
Preference will be given to applicants living 
outside the metropolitan area. 

Willard Straight: For a foreign student who 
has a background of social work experience in 
his own country and expects to return there. 

Final date for filing all applications is 
February 15, 1945. 

For details and application blanks apply to the School. 

122 BAST 22nd STREET 
NEW YORK 10, N. Y. 


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30 CE NTS fl COPY 

Cartoon by Fitzpatricfc in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch 

" Without a Country" Joseph P. Chamberlain 


A British Plan: What Beveridge Proposes- Maxwell S. Stewart 
American Bill: From Patchwork to Purpose- Leon H. Keyserling 
The Electronic Tube, NEW ALADDIN'S LAMP-Waldemar Kaempffert 

Helping the 
sick get well 

LAMPS that kill germs ... X rays 
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operating rooms bathed in glare- 
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Helping the sick get well is only 
one of the contributions of 
General Electric. From the re- 
search and engineering in G.E.'s 
laboratories come products to 
make your work easier, your home 
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The pictures you see here are 
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of D-Doy Injury! How X rays speed 
treatment of war injuries is shown in this 
picture of Seaman Brazinski's thigh. On D-Day 
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Social, Economic and international Planning 

GERMANY, 8 East 41st Street, New York 17, 
New York. Officers: Dean Christian Gauss, 
Honorary Chairman; John A. Lapp, Reinhold 
Niebuhr, Dorothy Thompson, Vice-Chairmen. 
Program : The distribution of factual and 
interpretive material on current developments 
in Germany; the mobilization of support for 
genuinely democratic German groups and 
movements, both in the United States and 


RELATIONS, 1 East 54th Street, New York 22, 
N. Y. Research and study organization on 
the Pacific area problems as they affect 

Special Labor Packet . . . 25c . . . includes: 
Eleanor Lattimore 


Also available: popularly written pamphlets 
on China (by Maxwell Stewart); Philippines; 
Pacific Islands; Korea; Japan; U.S.S.R. ; 
India; Australia; New Zealand; Burma and 
Malaya. Write for complete pamphlet list. 

(QUAKERS) 20 South 12th Street, Philadel- 
phia, Pennsylvania; Clarence E. Pickett, 
Executive Secretary. "Whatever concerns 
human beings in distress, whatever may help 
free individuals, groups and nations from 
fear, hate or narrowness these are subjects 
for the Committee's consideration." Present 
projects include civilian relief operations in 
England, China, India and North Africa; aid 
to refugees, aliens and Japanese-Americans 
in the United States with overseas activities 
in Switzerland, Portugal, Sweden and Hawaii; 
enrollment of students and other volunteer? 
in world camp projects in the United States 
and Mexico to improve social-industrial and 
race relations; Institutes of International 
Relations to promote study of religious and 
economic bases for peace and post-war 
reconstruction; administration of Civilian 
Public Service Camps for religious consci- 
entious objectors in cooperation with other 


concerned itself with protection of rights of 
Jews. Activities now embrace situation in 
United States, Latin America, and Europe. 
Its program includes defense against anti- 
Semitic propaganda, combating economic dis- 
crimination, law and legislation with a view 
to strengthening democracy, political repre- 
sentation on behalf of rights of Jews, and 
amelioration of conditions for refugees; par- 
ticipation in war program of United States; 
preparation for reestablishment of Jewish 
rights at end of war. 

Toward this end it has set up, in cooperation 
with the World Jewish Congress, an Insti- 
tution of Jewish Affairs now studying facts 
of Jewish life with a view to establishing 
basis on which rights may be claimed at end 
of war, 

Also engaged, together with World Jewish 
Congress, in political negotiations with demo- 
cratic governments with a view to securing 
sympathetic support for post-war rights. 
Has recently established Inter - American 
Jewish Council for inter - American Jewish 
community cooperation in behalf of post-war 
Jewish reconstruction and strengthening of 
democracy. 1834 Broadway, New York City. 


Devoted to strengthening cultural ties 
between U. S. and U. S. S. R. Lectures, 
Public Events Exhibitions, Classes, Private 
Lessons in Russian given by graduates of 
Russian Universities. For full information 
address American Russian Cultural Ass'n., 
200 West 57th St., New York 19, N. Y. 

TRATION, 1313 East 60th Street, Chicago 37A, 
Illinois. A national organization to advance 
the science of public administration. All 
members receive official quarterly journal 
Public Administration Review, which presents 
articles on current administrative practices. 
Discussion groups for members in metro- 
politan,, areas. Membership $5. 

B'NAI B'RITH Oldest and largest national Jew 
ish service and fraternal organization whose 
program embraces manifold activities in war 
service, Americanism, youth welfare, war re- 
lief, education, community and social service, 
inter-faith good will, defense of Jewish rights 
and philanthropy. Membership 200,000 in- 
cluding women's auxiliaries and junior units 
1003 K Street, N.W., Washington, D. C. 


2 West 45th Street, New York 19, N. Y. 
Stephen Dutrean, Director; Edgar J. Fisher, 
Assistant Director; Washington Bureau of 
the Institute, 927 15th Street, N.W., Wash- 
ington 5, D. C. A. Handle Elliott, Admin- 
istrator. A non-membership organization the 
purpose of which is to promote closer inter- 
national educational relations and understand- 
ing between the people of the United States 
and other countries through such activities 
as the interchange of students and teachers, 
and the visits of foreign scholars as lecturers 
or visiting professors to our colleges and uni- 
versities. Publications: annual report, monthly 
News Bulletin, and occasional pamphlets. 

CIATION, 1313 East 60 Street, Chicago 37, III. 
To aid in improving municipal administration 
(1) annually issues the Municipal Year Book, 
an encyclopedia of information about munici- 
pal activities in the 2.042 cities in the United 
States over 3,000; (2) publishes Public Man- 
agement, a monthly journal devoted to local 
government; (3) issues special reports such 
as "Police and Minority Groups," "Measur- 
ing Municipal Activities," "Municipal Public 
Relations,'* etc.; and (4) provides a series of 
eight practical correspondence courses in 
municipal government. Write for complete 
list of publications and a catalogue on 
training courses. 

TEACHERS An educational organization of 
over three million men and women, working 
together in 28,000 local associations to pro- 
mote the welfare of children and youth. 
Conduct a nation-wide program devoted to 
home and school education, parent education, 
health and social services. One of its major 
projects is the preparation and distribution 
of Parent-Teacher publications, among which 
are the "National Parent -Teacher," official 
magazine, and a monthly Bulletin, both issued 
on a subscription basis; Proceedings of An- 
nual Meetings; Community Life m a Democ- 
racy ; The Parent -Teacher Organization, Its 
Origin and Development. Write: Mrs. William 
A. Hastings, President, 600 South Michigan 
Boulevard, Chicago 5, Illinois. 

Building, Cleveland 14, Ohio. A voluntary 
organization founded in 1 899 to awaken 
consumers' responsibility for conditions under 
which goods are made and distributed, and 
through investigation, education, and legis- 
lation to promote fair labor standards. Mini- 
mum membership fee including quarterly 
bulletin, $2.00. Elizabeth S. Magee, General 

Broadway, New York 23, N. Y. FIFTY 
BORN immigrant aid, port and dock work, 
naturalization aid, Americanization classes, 
location of relatives in war-separated families. 
ITIES Council houses and clubs, nurseries, 
clinics; scholarships, camps, teen-age canteens; 
work with handicapped. Participation in 
national wartime programs through educa- 
tional projects and community activities. 
FmirATTON DIVISION Contemporary 
Jewish affairs, international relations and 
peace, social legislation. Study groups under 
national direction keep Jewish women through- 
out country alert to vital current issues. 215 
Senior Sections in United States. 100 Junior 
and Councilette Sections. 65,000 members. 


TIONAL LIBERTIES -205 East 42 St., Room 
1613, New York 17, N. Y. A national 
federation through which labor, church, civic, 
fraternal and farm organizations, as well as 
individual citizens, work to protect and 
extend civil rights in the tradition of. the 
American Constitution. 

Maintains a national office in New York, 
and a Washington Bureau to provide accurate 
and timely information on civil rights issues 
through publications, meetings, and special 
legislative assistance. 

NCFL Subscription Service: $3 per year for 
individuals; $5 for organizations. 


New fc'ork l,ity 18. Through meetings, popu- 
lar pamphlets and an annual study project 
marking November 1 1 as World Government 
Day the CONFERENCE contributes to the 
education of public opinion for an organized 
postwar world. Subscription price to the 
N.P.C. Bulletin is $3.00 per year. Dr. Walter 
W. Van Kirk, Honorary President; Dr. John 
Paul Jones, President; Miss Jane Evans, 

ASSOCIATION. Christine Melcher, Executive 
Secretary. 525 West 120th Street, New York 
City 27, is the professional organization for 
counselors and others engaged and interested 
in vocational guidance, and the publishers of 
OCCUPATI ONS, the Vocational Guidance 


Facts about America's 10,000 publicly owned 
projects Bi-monthly illustrated magazine 
Extensive bulletin and leaflet service. "Studies 
in Public Power" 25 chapters, latest data 
on Bonneville, Grand Coulee, TVA, and 
other great federal power projects for 
individuals, study and discussion groups 
with questions and answers, $5.00. Aids 
municipal, state and federal government and 
progressive groups. Send lOc for descriptive 
literature. Address : 1 27 North Dearborn 
Street, Chicago 2, Illinois. 

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC. 112 East 19th Street, 
New \ ork 3. A cooperative educational 
society built around a periodical rather than 
a campus, and carrying forward swift re- 
search and interpretation in the fields of 
family and child welfare, health, education, 
civics, industrial and race relations, and the 
common welfare. Publishes monthly Survey 
Graphic, Magazine of Social Interpretation 
without counterpart, and Survey Midmonthly, 
Journal of Social Work. Membership, $10, 
and upwards. 

organization founded in 1910 by Edwin Ginn 
for the purpose of promoting peace, justice 
and good will among nations. This purpose is 
accomplished through the objective presenta- 
tion and interpretation of the facts of Amer- 
ican foreign relations through publications, 
study groups and a Reference Service. 
Publications: Documents on American For- 
eign Relations, 1938 (annual) ; America 
Looks Ahead (a pamphlet series) ; and other 

The Foundation also cooperates with the Uni- 
versities Committee on Post-War Problems 
in the publ ication of Problem Analyses 
(appearing monthly). 

Information concerning publications and other 
activities sent on request. 40 Mt. Vernon 
Street, Boston 8, Massachusetts. 

This DIRECTORY appears In Survey 
Graphic four times a year including: spe- 
cial numbers. Its columns are open to 
social action groups organized to pro- 
mote good government, better education, 
city planning and housing, improved in* 
dustrial and labor relations, the safe- 
guarding of civil liberties, land eonserva- 

tlon, study of the Arts economic and 

social planning in their widest aspirations. 
Rate* are modent-^Let the Advertising De- 
partment tell you about them! 

SURVEY GRAPHIC for March. 1945. Vol. XXXIV. No. 3. Published monthly and copvricht 1945 by SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC. Publication Office, 34 
North Crystal Street, East Stroudsburu, Pa. Kditcnp.l and business office, 11L' i-J 1!) Street, New York 3. X. Y. Price this issue 3d cents; $3 a year; Foreign 
po-ta^e 50 cents extra. Canadian 75 cents. Entered as second class matter on .lune 22. 1940 at the post office at East Btroudsburg, Pa., under the Act of March 
d, 1879. Acceptance for mailing at a special rate oi postage piovided for in Section 1103. Act of October 3, 1917, authorized Dec. -1, 1921. Printed !n U.S.A. 

Traveling Crime Laboratory 

This laboratory travels the 
country running down "crimes" 
against telephone service. Staffed 
by scientists of Bell Telephone 
Laboratories, it can move to the 
scene on a day's notice. 

Always caught, its "criminals" 
never make the headlines. For 
they are not people, but such 
things as a thread of lint, a trace 

of acid, or sulphur compounds in 
the air. Finding these enemies in 
the telephone plant is one of the 
services rendered to the Bell Sys- 
tem by Bell Laboratories. 

In an organization now concen- 
trating on war work, Bell Tele- 
phone Laboratories' people have 
ferreted out substitutes for scarce 
materials, have recommended 

materials for difficult conditions, 
have identified enemy materials 
in captured equipment. 

The services of these Bell Lab- 
oratories' scientists are always 
available to any part of the Bell 
System. This ability to call upon 
expert aid whenever needed is 
part of the strength of the Bell 


Among Ourselves 

Chiselers," printed in Survey Graphic for No- 
vember and condensed in the December Read- 
er's Digest, has received wide attention in 
newspapers all over the country. It has 
brought a barrage of letters asking for guid- 
ance, which the author has taken pains to 
answer personally. 

One such letter from a reader in a small 
community pointed out that city people can, 
if they wish, protect themselves against war 
fraud gyps, but people in small towns and 
in the country lack sources to which they can 
turn for information. Here is 

Frank Brock's Reply 


spread depredations, are merely a minor fac- 
tion of the large fraternity of gyps who are 
eagerly awaiting war's end to resume practice 
of their craft. Some part of more than $130 
billions of investments, savings, and E bonds 
now in the hands of the public undoubtedly 
will reward their efforts. 

"This threat has been anticipated, however, 
and plans are already maturing to frustrate it. 
Last October the Securities & Exchange Com- 
mission called a conference of business or- 
ganizations for a discussion of the problem 
and a committee was appointed to study it and 
report. Later meetings have been postponed, 
however, because of travel restrictions. The 
National Association of Better Business Bu- 
reaus, with 86 bureaus in the United States 
and Canada, is in the forefront of this move- 

"My own small part, I think, deserves men- 
tion. I have recently completed arrangements 
through a firm of radio program producers 
for a series of radio programs to be presented 
over a national hook-up which will dramatize 
the various swindles of the sharpshooting 
brotherhood. The details of their schemes are 
no secret, except to their potential victims. On 
the theory that no one would be cheated if he 
knew in advance what the swindler was going 
to do, we propose to educate the public in the 
tricks and devices of the non-violent racketeers. 
It is hoped that a series of movie shorts will 
augment this program. 

"Community newspapers can help materially. 
Through their press associations, correspon- 
dents, membership in newspaper editorial and 

In February Survey Midmonthly 


tcmporary exhibits this month the results 
of a combined face-lifting and streamlin- 
ing in type, make-up, and cover. On the 
stimulating outcome, we offer our respect- 
ful congratulations. 

Where All That Money Goes 

by Cornelia Dunphy 
The Man Who Will Come Home 

by David Danzig 
Books Windows to the Future 

by Carl Dahl 
Integration in Rhode Island 

by Elizabeth M. Smith 
Financing Postwar Welfare 

by Etvan Clagite 
A Town That Is Good to Live In 

by Sherwood Gates 


Survey Graphic for March 1945 

Cover: Cartoon by Fitzpatricl^ in St. Louis Post-Dispatch 

Henrietta Szold: Inscription 84 

"Without a Country" JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN 85 

Aladdin's Wonderful Lamp WALDEMAR KAEMPFFERT 89 

Full Employment 93 

I. What Beveridge Proposes: A British Plan MAXWELL S. STEWART 93 

II. From Patchwork to Purpose: An American Bill. .LEON H. KEYSERLING 95 

What Shall We Do About Germany? JAMES T. SHOTWELL 99 

Statesmen Discover Medical Care " MICHAEL M. DAVIS 101 

Letters and Life 103 

Education in a Complex World HARRY HANSEN 103 

Copyright, 1945, by Survey Associates, Inc. All rights reserved. 


Publication Office: 34 North Crystal Street, East Stroudsburg, Pa. 
Editorial and Business Office, 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y. 

Chairman of the Board, JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN; president, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR.; vice- 




Business manager, WALTER F. GRUENINGER; Circulation manager, MOLLIE CONDON; Advertising 

Survey Graphic published on the 1st of the month. Price of single copies of this issue, 30c a 
copy. By subscription Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year Foreign 50e; 
Canadian 75c. Indexed in Reader's Guide, Book Review Digest, Index to Labor Articles, Public 
Affairs Information Service, Quarterly Cumulative Index Medicus. 

Survey Midmonthly published on the 15th of the month. Single copies 30c. By subscription 
Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year Foreign 50c; Canadian 75c. 

Joint subscription to Survey Graphic and Survey Midmonthly: Year, $5. 

Cooperative Membership in Survey Associates, Inc., including a joint subscription: Year, $10. 

business organizations, they have access to 
much preventive information. Many of them, 
however, are frightened by the libel bugaboo. 
They hesitate to name known gyps or to print 
details of their swindles until after they have 
been arrested and the damage has been done. 
The cure for this evil is prevention. Advance 
information is essential. Some gyps may 
threaten or even bring suit, but they seldom 
risk facing trial. Better Business Bureaus have 
been sued for more than $60,000,000, but 
never have had to pay a dollar in damages. 

"Few appeals for money charitable or 
otherwise are so urgent that a day or so can- 
not be spent profitably in investigation. A tele- 
gram to the right source of information 
usually will bring the facts, and sometimes 
trap a swindler. No honest proposition ever 
suffered because it was investigated in ad- 
vance, but charlatans invariably urge that you 
consult no one. 

"In the absence of a Chamber of Commerce, 
a Community Chest or a Better Business Bur- 
eau, there should be some local center of in- 
formation for citizens and I nominate the 
community newspaper. It is surprising how 
quickly sources of information can be de- 

veloped and how the information piles up. 
Certainly, no paper could render a greater 
service or one that will be so badly needed as 
soon as peace is declared. Money saved by 
veterans of the armed forces, particularly, 
must not help build a swindler's paradise." 

Mr. Brock has asked us to announce that he 
will be glad to direct community newspapers 
to the sources of information, should they wish 
to advise their readers against such frauds. He 
welcomes letters about concrete experiences 
with war charity chiselers. 

Poll Tax Repeal 

was passed in both legislative houses last 
month by impressive majorities and signed by 
Governor Arnall. While this forward step 
does not admit Negro citizens in "white pri- 
maries," it does enfranchise Georgians of both 
races who were barred or discouraged from 
voting in general elections by the tax. Seven 
southern states still levy a poll tax. 

A southerner presented the case against the 
poll tax in our pages on the eve of the 1944 
campaign: "3.2 Democracy in the South," by 
Stetson Kennedy, in the May Survey Graphic. 

Studio Ganan, Jerusalem 


The founder of Hadassah died in Jerusalem in Febru- 
ary at the modern hospital which is a living monument 
to her faith in Palestine and in her people. A woman 
rare in any country or any century, she had literally 
crowded into eighty-four years several lifetimes of work. 

Palestine was a desolate land when she first went there 
at fifty and envisioned this institution of healing, of 
teaching, and research which would help in its revival. 
On the one hand, Hadassah came of that vision the 
Women's Zionist Organization of America. On the other, 
came its medical program in the Holy Land which makes 
for health among Arabs, Christians, and Jews, through- 
out the Near East. 

She was seventy-five when she put aside thought of 
retirement. For in the 30's she foresaw this ancient Home- 
land as the natural place of refuge for tens of thousands 
of Jewish children who would have to flee from Hitler's 
Europe. Out of this second vision sprang Youth Aliyah 
(Youth Immigration), through which thousands of young 
Jews German, Hungarian, Rumanian, Polish have 
been given a new chance in life. Today they mourn the 
loss of "Our Mother," under whose intimate aegis grow- 

ing minds and bodies sprang back to health, young spirits 
found new nourishment. 

Miss Szold was eighty when the Women's Centennial 
Congress chose her among one hundred outstanding 
American women of the last hundred years. First Lady of 
Palestine, she was living in a small pension when a Survey 
editor visited her a decade ago. Her single room radiated 
her gentle modesty no less than her indomitable initiative. 
Love for her native Baltimore was not shelved by love for 
Jerusalem. She transplanted there ideals and standards 
from that American span of her life. 

On her last visit to this country Survey Associates was 
fortunate to share in honoring her. Those at our luncheon 
will remember her acknowledgment to American social 
workers and health workers for tools that could be turned 
to account in backward regions. We shall remember most 
of all, sobering and stirring things she said of young peo- 
ple for whom she held out a new Promised Land. 

"Above all," said Survey Graphic afterward, her listen- 
ers sensed "her vivid, yet serene and simple personality." 
That here "was one of the world's great people, statesman 
and sensitive woman at the same time." Loula D. Lasker 



"Without a Country" 

The plight of the refugees as victims of war and fascism a blueprint 
of transcendent human need superimposed on the war maps of Europe. 


throughout Europe, the Allies will find a 
mass problem already entered on their first 
order of business. That is the succor and 
disposal of vast companies of people up- 
rooted from countries they once called 
home. Estimates vary as to the number of 
these "displaced persons," as they are des- 
ignated, but run at least as high as 10,000,- 
000 men, women, and children. 

They include those dislodged by invasions 
and counter-invasions, but many have been 
prisoners of war, or workers constrained 
to labor in factories and on farms in Ger- 
many, or in the countries occupied by the 

Among them, also, are other peoples of 
German stock, brought back from their 
homes in eastern Europe or elsewhere and 
settled in Germany or in annexed terri- 
tories, especially Poland. This largely en- 
forced migration had been in line with 
Nazi plans for reassembling all Germans in 
the greater Reich of Hitler's dreams. 

On the other hand, great numbers of 
these displaced persons were transported 
into the Soviet Union from Poland and 
other battle areas. Perhaps 20,000 other 
Europeans were caught in Shanghai by the 
war in the Far East. 

Almost all of them, wherever they are, 
will be eager to go home wherever it is, 
once the war is ended. The task of army 
and civil administrations in occupied coun- 
tries, of UNRRA and the new govern- 
ments set up, will be to arrange for their 
prompt return. The reason is simple 
enough. Most of them are "nationals" and 
their governments will be active in bring- 
ing this about and in seeing to it that they 
are provided for meanwhile. Once they are 
back in their native lands, these govern- 
ments will have the duty of caring for them 
until they can finally reach the village or 
city where each can say, "Here I belong." 

Within that ten million there will, how- 
ever, remain another large group who 
"belong" nowhere. They are the genuine 
refugees for whom no government will 
make provision, either because they are 
stateless, nationals of no country, or because 
they are unwilling to return to the land 
from which they came. How many of these 
there will be at the close of World War II 
no one can know until things take clearer 
shape in Europe. 

Enter the Refugees 

The refugee, then, is a person who for 
political reasons has been driven from his 
country of residence or who fears the 
political consequences of his return. He may 
be stateless or, while not yet formally de- 
nationalized, he nonetheless may have lost 
his status by refusing to return home when 
the opportunity offered. 

He thus becomes a person without the 
protection of a government. In the modern 
world, made up of national states, this has 
wide implications. For the international 
rights of any individual, such as they are, 
depend for their enforcement on the action 
of his home government. Furthermore, a 
network of treaties between governments 
reciprocally gives to the citizens of one state 
privileges in the others, the right to work, 

By the long time chairman of the 
National Refugee Service; American 
member of the High Commission for 
Refugees Coming from Germany, set up 
by the League of Nations in the mid- 
Thirties. Now member of the President's 
Advisory Board on Political Refugees 
and chairman of the American Council 
of Voluntary Agencies for Foreign Serv- 
ice. Former chairman of the Foreign 
Policy Association and chairman of the 
board of Survey Associates. 

the right to the benefits of workmen's com- 
pensation and other social insurance laws, 
the right to education. Thus the alien who 
is a national is assured through reciprocity 
many of the privileges of a citizen. In con- 
trast, the stateless person, unprotected by 
any government, loses each and all of these 

But there is more to it than that. Every 
country is obliged to receive its nationals 
if they wish to return. Moreover, most 
states provide for their own people when 
in want. The refugee, on the other hand, 
has no country to which he may turn as a 
right. No country has a duty to care for 
him in case of need. Normally a person 
cannot enter a foreign country without a 
passport issued by the government of which 
he, himself, is a national. There is no 
nation to issue a passport to a stateless 
person or to a political refugee. 

History That May Repeat Itself 

The refugee problem broke with great 
force upon the world at the close of the 
last World War. There was a flood of folk 
from the former Russian and Turkish Em- 
pires into the countries of southeastern 
Europe. These impoverished countries were 
unable to carry the burden and wished only 
to get rid of their unwelcome guests. The 
immediate problem of relief was met, 
though not too liberally, by other govern- 
ments and by voluntary agencies. Their 
further removal to places where there were 
chances for them to find both shelter and 
work was encouraged by authorizing a 
travel document identifying the bearer, 
which governments generally were willing 
to accept at their frontiers. 

Fortunately enough, the League of 
Nations was in existence and, under the 
inspiration of Dr. Fridtjof Nansen, it cre- 
ated an organ that promoted agreements 
between governments under which the lot 


American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee 

Jews make the greatest company of stateless people. Here are refugees from Central 
Europe who fled to Italy, and soon thereafter found themselves put into internment 
camps. Though Allied advance set these men free, they remain people without a land 

of the refugees was made easier. Their 
travel documents were improved and ad- 
justed to meet new needs. They were as- 
sured the privilege of residence in the 
countries where they found themselves and, 
to a limited degree, the right to work was 
accorded them. Through it all, the League 
organization under Dr. Nansen acted as a 
kind of international champion for those 
who otherwise had no government pro- 
tection at all pleading the cause of indi- 
vidual refugees before governments and 
steadily seeking ways and means to ameli- 
orate their situation. 

Private agencies played an important 
part from the beginning. They provided 
material aid and, in cooperation with the 
League authorities, urged upon one gov- 
ernment after another more humane treat- 
ment for these unfortunate people. More- 
over, economic conditions were soon on 
the upgrade everywhere. There was con- 
sequent widespread need for workers to 
make up the heavy manpower losses of 
World War I. These and other factors per- 
suaded governments to allow refugees to 
live .and to work in their territories. 

But when unemployment later struck any 
national economy, these stateless outlanders 


were naturally among the first to lose their 
jobs, the last to find new ones. Always the 
citizen has preference. 

Then Came Hitler 

Came the rise of Nazism in Germany; 
came its excesses and, once in power, its 
settled policy to drive Jews out of that 
country. This was more gradual than war 
in making itself felt. It seemed incredible 
to many Germans, as well as to outsiders, 
that the Nazi regime would go to the ex- 
tremes of cruelty and hatred that it did. 
"Appetite came with eating." The Nazis 
invented worse and worse means of op- 
pression as the lust for cruelty and greed 
were unsatisfied. The Jews, native no less 
than foreign born, were pushed out ot 
Germany. Most left behind them all the 
property and civil rights they had acquired 
as useful citizens of the Reich and went 
naked out into the world. More than that, 
their relatives and friends abroad had to pay 
ransom; and, to squeeze out this ransom, 
were warned of what would happen other- 
wise to their kith and kin still within Nazi 

Alarmed both at the number of refugees 
leaving that country, at the greater numbers 

which seemed sure to come, the govern- 
ments concerned created a commission in 
1933 to cope with the situation, with James 
G. McDonald, hitherto chairman of the 
Foreign Policy Association, New York, as 
High Commissioner for Refugees Coming 
from Germany. As the Reich was still a 
member of the League, this new com- 
mission was not made part of its machinery 
but was supported by private funds. Mr. 
McDonald took up his work at a difficult 
time. The widespread depression of the 
Thirties was on and other countries were 
especially reluctant to admit immigrants as 
they themselves had mass unemployment to 
cope with. The commission had little suc- 
cess either in persuading such governments 
to open their doors wider, or in pressing 
the Nazis to lessen their persecutions, much 
less to end them. 

The High Commissioner and his suc- 
cessors made some progress, however, in 
dealing with the immediate problem with 
which Dr. Nansen had sought to cope 
of persons without a country. What was 
done to help them was principally the work 
of private organizations, or of relatives and 
friends who helped them singly or in family 
groups to find a home somewhere and an 
opportunity to earn a living. Later, when 
Germany left the League, that body took 
over the work Mr. McDonald and his asso- 
ciates had so courageously advanced. The 
League's work for refugees both from 
Germany and from eastern Europe was 
united under Sir Herbert Emerson as ex- 
ecutive officer. 

Large numbers of these fugitives remained 
in the countries of western Europe which 
offered them shelter. The flight from Ger- 
many, however, ended for great numbers 
overseas. This was because so many German 
emigrants had settled in the United States, 
in other American countries or in the 
British Dominions, and held out helping 
hands to relatives and friends from Ger- 
many. Also, because strong private or- 
ganizations, some operating since the last 
war, were deeply moved by the sufferings 

Latin America Refugee Fuml 

One of thousands of Spanish political 
refugees who found shelter in France 


TM /- i t o r United Nations Information Office 

Inese Ureeks from Samos who have found temporary refuge in a camp set up in the Middle East; the Spaniard on the page op- 
posite; the Yugoslavs below all belong among the millions of people who must find a place to live after the war. Many can be 
returned to their homes and will find a welcome; others may be afraid to go back to their own countries, or will be unwilling to return 

of persecuted people and made provision 
for them. 

The Russian-Turkish situation after 
World War I had differed from this. Most 
of the people scattered from these countries 
had remained on the continent or sought 
refuge in Asia. 

In the Thirties, Palestine was the destina- 
tion of large numbers of refugees both from 

Germany and eastern Europe. How great 
a haven it proved is borne out by the fact 
that Palestine, with only a fragment of the 
population of the United States, has taken 
in 120,000 of them compared with 250,000 
who found refuge with us. An advantage 
of no little moment is that refugees arriving 
there cease to be such. Difficulties of ad- 
justment to climate and to new ways of 

United Yugoslav Relief Fund of America 
Undernourished, frightened Yugoslav children reach shelter in a neutral country 


MARCH 1945 

unwilling i 

life they had in plenty, but the immigrants 
were accepted as permanent residents and 
full opportunities in the new society were 
open to them. In 1939, with the issuance of 
a White Paper, Britain prohibited further 
immigration of Jews into Palestine beyond 
75,000 to be admitted over the next five 
years. There are perhaps 5,000 certificates 
now outstanding. What the future holds in 
this area depends on a change in British 

An Acid Test 

Figures vary widely, but it has been 
estimated that there remain in Great Bri- 
tain about 60,000 racial refugees from the 
Nazi terror; in the United States some 
250,000; in Latin America perhaps 125,- 
000; in Palestine 120,000 of whom about 
half are Germans; and in other overseas 
countries more than 50,000. Switzerland is 
providing for around 24,000 and Sweden 
12,000. Those found by the Nazis when 
they overran western Europe were ordered 
deported to Germany to work there, or to 
eastern Europe, but since the liberation of 
conquered territories some are turning up 
who were able to escape arrest. 

Other racial stocks are, of course, in- 
volved but Jewish fugitives from political 
and religious persecution make up the 
greatest company of stateless people. 

Their fate remains one of the acid tests 
of humanitarian concern in the period 


When war broke out, the Nazi govern- 
ment changed its policy but not for the 
better. Most of the Jews in Germany had 
been forced out when Hitler slammed the 
door on those who remained. Instead of 
driving the unfortunate victims of their 
hatred from Europe, the Nazis set out to 
liquidate them within the continent. There- 
after, we have grim evidence -of another 
trek of refugees not only from the Reich 
but from countries under Nazi influence, 
to the prison camps and work camps of 
Poland. There, disease, lack of food, and 
various forms of execution and of torture 
so cut down their number that only a small 
proportion remains. For most of them 
theirs was an enforced migration to death. 

Who Are the After-War Refugees? 

As indicated earlier, there can be no 
certainty in the present confusion in Europe 
as to what will be the number of postwar 
refugees stateless or those who are unwill- 
ing to return to their homes. But we can 
examine further sources and wartime 
pressures from which they sprang. 

We know that the Nazis brought hun- 
dreds of thousands of people of German 
descent from the Soviet Union and from 
southeastern Europe and settled them in 
what for a time was German-held territory, 
principally in Poland. A quarter century 
earlier, when the South Tyrol was ceded 
to Italy at the end of the last World War, 
some 80,000 had been settled largely in 
the mountainous regions of Austria and the 
surrounding country. It may be that all of 
these people of German stock, now as then, 
have been made German citizens as have 
many hitherto of Polish citizenship. Those 
outside the Reich at the war's end may be 
treated like other Germans and forced back 
into whatever territories are left to it. Others 
may be among those required to return to 
the Soviet Union and to other countries 
whence they came, to help meet demands 
for workers in rebuilding regions scotched 
by the Nazi invasion. Apart from claims 
thus made on them in the name of restitu- 
tion, such countries may not recognize their 
change of citizenship. (Former Polish citi- 
zens are likely to be an exception.) 

Those of German stock not returned to 
their countries of origin will be people with- 
out homes in the diminished Germany; 
their permanent settlement will be difficult 
in that crowded territory, and they will 
present a problem similar to that of home- 
less refugees elsewhere. 

A large number of people from the Baltic 
states, some brought into the Reich for 
forced labor, some evacuated before the 
advance of the Soviet armies, will be found 
after the war both in Germany and in 
Poland. Among them will be many un- 
willing to return to their home countries 
if these are under Soviet rule. That may be 
true also of various races represented among 
the 2,000,000 easterners from Russia and 
elsewhere who have been working in Ger- 
many. Of these, some few have even served 
in the German army. Many were prisoners 
of war taken during the Nazi invasion of 

The Soviet authorities have indicated 
their desire that their nationals should re- 

turn and help rebuild the country, and if 
they do not do so will probably refuse them 
protection. They will thus become stateless. 

In southeastern and central Europe, par- 
tisanship and violence in the war years have 
provided poor seed beds for peaceful and 
friendly settlement of the sharp differences 
among factions. Whether conservatives or 
radicals win out in these countries, there 
are certain to be many who will try to flee; 
others now abroad will refuse to go back, 
thus creating further groups of refugees. 

What are left of the Poles brought into 
Russia may return to Poland. If not, they 
doubtless will be taken into the Soviet 
Union, so they cannot be counted as refu- 
gees. Not so the Poles elsewhere in Europe, 
Africa or the Near East, whose return will 
hang on the character of the government 
set up in the new Poland, and who, as the 
die is cast, might sooner or later become 

It is to be hoped that a Yugoslav govern- 
ment uniting all factions will finally win 
power in that country, but if this does not 
happen, those who belong to the "outs" 
may not be willing to return. 

In France are thousands of Spanish refu- 
gees. Few are adjusted to life there, and 
unless there is an overturn in Madrid, or 
widespread need for labor in France or her 
colonies, they will need help in migrating 

The Status of the Jews 

Finally, we must reckon with the back- 
wash of hatred and calumny against the 
Jews in Germany and under spur of the 
Nazis in all of eastern Europe where anti- 
Semitism long had existed. This makes all 
the more probable a large refugee problem 
among what is left of German and eastern 
European Jewry. German Jews now in 
Poland will not want, nor should they be 
required to accept, protection from any 
German government. German Jews now in 
western European countries, it may be as- 
sumed, will be no more willing to do so. 
At the start, they will be stateless if they 
do not accept German citizenship and want 
to remain in the countries where many of 
them have long made their homes. 

The situation in eastern Europe and the 
Danube Basin is such that it is hard to 
forecast how many Jewish refugees from 
those regions will want to return there, or 
how many can remain there under postwar 
conditions. Many of them, especially from 
Hungary, were packed off to Germany to 
work. Many others from Greece, Bulgaria, 
Rumania, Hungary and Yugoslavia were 
sent to concentration camps in Poland. 

Greece and Yugoslavia will take them 
back on their prewar footing. The settle- 
ment at the time of surrender can require 
enemy countries to receive their citizens as 
such and to end racial discrimination. The 
hope is that conditions in all these countries 
will make it possible for Jewish nationals 
to reestablish themselves in economic and 
social life; that their nationality will be 
restored if it has been taken away; and that 
provision will be made for turning back 
their property. More, it is to be hoped that 
they will be given a fair chance to play 
their part in the rehabilitation of home 

countries in which they hitherto had a use- 
ful place. It is important that that place 
be restored to them if the world's protest 
against the Nazi doctrine of racial intoler- 
ence is not to have been in vain. 

The Soviet Union will be very influential 
in eastern Europe and its policy of non- 
discrimination may be expected to affect 
governmental action there. However, the 
difficulties of life, the heightened prejudices, 
and the probability of unruliness in these 
areas will drive many to seek refuge over- 
seas. If so, they will not be technically refu- 
gees; they will have the nationality of their 
home countries, but as migrants they will 
need much the same sort of help as the 

The comparatively few German Jews left 
in the Reich may come, also, in the class of 
refugees. Though they are German citizens 
and though their civil and property rights 
will have been restored to them at the sur- 
render, it is unlikely that many will want 
to remain where they have been subjected 
to such wholesale cruelty and ignominy. 
For sake of protection, it may be necessary 
to assemble them, and they should be given 
the option of relinquishing their German 
citizenship and an opportunity to establish 
their lives elsewhere. 

It is probable that the new Germany 
will be obligated to open her borders to 
former citizens in exile and to restore their 
civil rights. But they should not become 
German citizens again without their con- 
sent and they should be free to remain out- 
side Germany. Even the unhappy lot of 
statelessness may seem better to many of 
them than to resume their citizenship in a 
land where they have been so slandered anc 
abused. Nor should they be forced tc 
shoulder burdens which will fall on Ger- 
man citizens in meeting reparations pay- 


Tasks and Tools Ahead 

Such an analysis shows that the greater 
part of the European refugees will be found 
in Europe at the close of World War II. 
The first tasks will be like those after World 
War I: to take care of them where they 
are found; to intercede on their behalf with 
governmental authorities in the countries 
concerned; to provide travel and identity 
documents. Many will be in Germany, 
where a considerable residue can be antici- 
pated of those who do not desire to return 
home or who are stateless. The conditions 
of their lives will be subject for decision by 
the United Nations authorities. This will 
be true in other enemy countries. In the 
Allied countries, the governments will, of 
course, control. 

Likely enough, many refugees will have 
to remain where they are found for a long 
time. Governments will be too busy with 
urgent tasks, including the repatriation of 
their own nationals, to give the refugees 
much thought. Outsiders may not be too 
welcome, and it will be important for an 
international authority to plead their cause. 

Such an authority exists in the Inter-Gov- 
ernmental Committee with its seat in Lon- 
don, and with Sir Herbert Emerson as its I 
executive officer, seconded by Patrick Malin, ' 
(Continued on page 108) 



The electron tube "the most important invention of this generation." This in- 
stallation changes alternating current into direct current for radio transmission 


Aladdin's Wonderful Lamp 

A wonder story that surpasses the Arabian Nights the story of the 
electron tube, and of machines that talk, feel, listen, count, sort. 



central stations which supplied electric en- 
ergy to millions, invented electric lamps, 
motors and coffee percolators, drove rail- 
way trains electrically and saw to it that 
Niagara Falls milked cows and sucked dirt 
out of carpets. And all this without know- 
ing what electricity was. Then came 
Roentgen with his X-rays, the Curies with 
the discovery of radium, J. J. Thomson with 
his classic studies of the light that glows 
in gas-discharge tubes, Einstein with 
equations that tied matter and energy to- 
gether. A few theoretical physicists who 
were bent on tearing the atom apart and 
finding out what matter is, and who had 
no thought of radio, trolley cars or toast- 
ers, told the world that a current in a wire, 
a flash of lightning was a flow of electrons. 
From this work came the electron tube 
probably the most important invention of 
this generation. The physicists proved again 
that there is nothing so impractical as a 

By the science editor of The New 
York Times, author of "Science Today 
and Tomorrow," a frequent contributor 
to scientific and engineering periodicals 
in this country and abroad. 

Mr. Kaempffert is serving as our 
counselor in developing the series of 
articles, "The Future Is Already Here," 
of which this is the second. 

practical man and nothing so practical as a 
theory that works. 

Now that the dreamy theorists have told 
us that electricity is composed of particles, 
just as a river is composed of drops, en- 
gineering receives a new impetus, with so- 
cial consequences which read like a tale by 
H. G. Wells in his younger days and which 
give economists much to think about. Many 
an industrial process has been revolution- 
ized. What were once possibilities and spec- 
ulations are now realities. Years have 

been telescoped into months. Electronically 
speaking, we are in the year 1960. 

The Universe of the Atom 

It is impossible to understand electron- 
ics without understanding the constitution 
of the atom. Before the theoretical physi- 
cists began to bombard matter, the atom 
was supposed to be the smallest conceivable 
particle. It was an infinitesimal sphere, 
hard and indestructible. When the theorists 
showed that it was far more complicated 
than a grand piano or a telephone ex- 
change, there was consternation. An atom 
turned out to be somewhat like a solar sys- 
tem. In the center was a nucleus or "sun," 
and around the "sun" minute "planets," 
called electrons, not only revolved and spun 
but leaped from orbit to orbit in unpre- 
dictable ways. The outer planetary elec- 
trons could be torn away to leave only the 
naked central nucleus or "sun." And these 
electrons bore about the same relation in 

MARCH 1945 


size to the atom that a football bears to a 
barn. In other words, not the atom but the 
electron was the smallest particle of matter 
and, therefore, the rockbottom of the uni- 

This electron could be regarded as en- 
ergy and as matter, and from this it fol- 
lowed that matter was converted into en- 
ergy and energy into matter. There was 
no theoretical moonshine about this. The 
conversion was a reality. All that the en- 
gineer did when he generated electricity 
was to tear electrons out of matter and 
send them coursing over a wire. 

The Slave at Work 

With this new knowledge, Aladdin's 
lamp becomes a reality. It takes the form 
of an electron tube, the most remarkable 
invention of our time. This Aladdin's 
lamp does not summon slaves to build pal- 
aces in an hour or to produce bags of 
jewels, as it did in the Arabian Nights. 
It is itself a slave with senses and capaci- 
ties that outstrip those with which we are 
endowed. It talks, feels, listens, counts, 
sorts and measures, all because of its deli- 
cate control of electrons. It may cost as 
little as 25 cents or as much as $1,500; 
it may be as small as an acorn or as big 
as a prizefighter; it may assume any one 
of about 2,000 different forms; it already 
is the basis of an industry bigger than that 
engaged in making automobiles, a five bil- 
lion dollar industry. 

Electron tubes are older than the war. 
Look inside your radio set and you will see 
them glowing faintly. If they look like 
small electric lamps, it is because they were 
evolved from lamps. There is a filament 

coated with a metal compound out of which 
electrons fly when the current is turned on. 
But there is also a little metal plate and 
a little metal grid between the filament and 
the plate. The electrons flow from the 
filament through the grid to the plate. 
If the grid is electrified more or less, the 
flow may be a mere trickle, or it may be 
a torrent. English engineers call such a 
tube a "valve." It is a good term because 
it defines the function of the tube. That 
grid is like a valve in a pipe something 
with which electrons can be turned on and 
off like water. The electrons that strike 
the plate are collected in the form of a cur- 
rent which can be made to work ma- 
chinery in a thousand different ways. 

A tube thus constructed made radio 
broadcasting possible. In one form it shakes 
the ether into waves much as we shake 
a rope tied at one end to a post. The ether 
waves may measure a few inches or twenty 
miles from crest to crest, and they can be 
sent around the earth with the speed of 
light. The tube also detects the waves 
even when they are all but spent. Since 
only a minute fraction of the energy sent 
out by a station is received, it must be am- 
plified. Again electron tubes come into 
play. And how they amplify! By con- 
necting one amplifying tube with a second, 
a third, or a twentieth, if need be, the 
crawling of a fly can be made to sound 
like a regiment of cavalry, the ticking of 
a watch like the blows of a trip-hammer. 

Walkie-Talkie and Television 

Because some tubes can be made no 
bigger than a peanut, radio acquires new 
potentialities. Men in the caboose of a 

mile-long freight train can talk with the 
engineer. On the fighting front the leader 
of a bombing squadron gives orders to 
pilots under his command and takes orders 
from staff headquarters on the ground. 
Men in tanks talk with one another and 
with generals in the rear. The apparatus 
required can be packed into a container 
not much larger than a suitcase. Still 
smaller is the "walkie-talkie." Parachute 
jumpers and patrols use it to communicate 
with their commanding officers miles away. 
Brakemen on railroads will use it to warn 
of danger when a train is stalled instead 
of walking back a mile and waving a red 
flag. In a recent report, the Federal Com- 
munications Commission predicts that it 
will give physicians a calling service as they 
make their rounds; that department stores, 
dairies, laundries, and other business houses 
will use it to give drivers instructions on 
the road; that captains of harbor craft 
will talk with their offices; that farmers in 
the field will communicate with their wives 
in the kitchen. What is called a "personal 
radio set" no bigger than a cigarbox has 
been designed. With it anybody in a city 
can talk to his home from the street. We 
have seen only the beginning of radio. 

One of the innovations of the war was 
radar a method of sending out radio 
waves and detecting their reflections from 
hostile aircraft many miles away. That 
invention saved Great Britain after Dun- 
kerque during those terrible months when 
English towns were systematically bombed 
for weeks. For radar made it possible to 
concentrate the few available British fight- 
ers exactly where they could do the most 
good. We shall hear more of radar in 

An electronic "chemist" which tests production in synthetic rub- 
ber plants more swiftly and exactly than a battery of technicians 

Westinghouse photos 

Radio waves coat tinplate for the can factory ten times as fast 
as the best previous methods, and save tin as well as time 



civilian life. It will prevent ships from 
colliding in a fog or running aground on 
a rocky coast, warn automobile drivers of 
danger when they cannot see ahead. Pilots 
of passenger airplanes will know exactly 
how high they are over an elevation on an 
inky night. 

Under the pressure of war the electron 
tube has acquired new powers. Because of 
this acquisition, television on a grander 
scale is promised. Viewing screens will not 
be of present handkerchief size but as large 
as those of motion picture theaters. House- 
wives will probably do some of their shop- 
ping by television. "Show me a nice 
chicken," Mrs. Jones will say, whereupon 
the butcher will hold one up for inspec- 
tion. Department stores will similarly ex- 
hibit their smaller and lighter wares. 

Since we have been spoiled by Holly- 
wood, we shall probably demand a new 
television play every day a prospect that 
producers shudder at. Where are the script 
writers? How is an army of scene build- 
ers to be recruited? Where are the actors 
who will be required for the televising of 
several hundred plays a year? The fate 
of the motion picture theater is in doubt, 
for which reason Hollywood companies are 
as much interested in television as they 
are in films. The press, already somewhat 
concerned about the broadcasting of news, 
is wondering what will happen when base- 
ball games, prizefights, sports events, in- 
augurations and political meetings are 
brought right into the home, with all the 
blare of brass bands, the yells of the crowd 
and the rapid-fire interpretations of eye- 
witness commentators. 

Thinking Machines 

More elated are the makers of business 
machines. They have been watching the 
anti-aircraft guns from afar watching be- 
cause their fire is controlled electronically. 
Consider what is required of an anti-air- 
craft battery's crew. Allowances must be 
made for the speed of a hostile bomber, 
for the wind, for temperature, for baro- 
metric pressure, even, occasionally, for the 
rotation of the earth. There is no time 
to make the necessary calculations on pa- 
per. Electron tubes make the corrections 
in a few seconds, so that the guns are 
pointed at the place where the hostile 
plane will be and fired at the right in- 

The electronic mechanism can easily be 
adapted to the construction of new busi- 
ness machines. A 122-tube electronic mas- 
ter-mind has already been devised which 
saves 144,000 man-hours annually in cali- 
brating apparatus for the Signal Corps. 
That electronic mind calculates faster than 
any mathematician can, and it never makes 
a mistake. The keeping of accounts, the 
dunning of creditors with bills will be as- 
signed to girls who will handle cards or 
slips of paper just as they now feed strips 
of steel into a machine, and electron tubes 
will do the rest. Huge machines have al- 
ready been designed which occupy more 
space than is available in a room of average 
size and which solve problems in higher 
mathematics for engineers. The pushing 
of keys, the pulling of levers, the turning 

MARCH 1945 

General Electric 

Electronic motor control drives in the Detroit plant of Nash-Kelvinator test airplane 
propeller governors. Each governor, driven by a motor with a range of 900 to 3,000 rptn, 
is held to the required testing speed by the control, even with a widely varying load 

of a knob or two is all that is necessary. 

When we enter the factory, we see the 
electron tube at work in ways that were 
inconceivable only ten years ago. It is con- 
nected with a motor, a door, a conveyor- 
belt, anything that moves, cuts, heats. 
Here, a giant turbine spins. It is important 
to know what the spinning drum is doing 
at any given moment. Pressure, speed, 
temperature and a few other factors must 
be known to give the answer. The electron 
tube performs the task. It measures all 
the factors, converts them into meter read- 
ings, so that a man has only to watch 
a finger as it plays over a dial to know 
what is happening inside the turbine. 

Go into an oil refinery and you see the 
electron tube at work in another capacity. 
In a tower, high octane gasoline is separated 
from something else. Is the rate of separa- 
tion right? Is the gasoline pure? The 
electron tube takes the place of the chem- 
ist and gives the information wanted in 
electrical terms and in meter language. 
So it is with the production of synthetic- 
rubber. Suppose furnace gases contain too 
much moisture. Rust is then inevitable, 
and rust is the enemy of the steel parts 
of airplanes, guns, and tanks. The elec- 
tron tube stands guard and warns when the 
gases are too wet. A light flashes on a 
panel and the man stationed there to watch 
it knows what must be done. One such 

electronic recorder can measure moisture 
in a gas which is 1,000 times drier than 
the air in the desert of Sahara. 

In the Lockheed airplane plant, torches 
are no longer used to weld 150-gallon 
fuel tanks, with the result that the cost 
of making a tank has been reduced to one 
sixth of what it was. Westinghouse en- 
gineers have made it possible to machine 
the huge propellers of an aircraft carrier 
700 percent more rapidly than before by 
electronic means. Two sharp steel cutting 
tools are automatically and electronically 
guided over the surfaces of the propeller 
(twenty-four feet in diameter) and in this 
way perform in two days work that once 
took two weeks. 

The Tube in Charge of Heat 

Heat is indispensable in nearly every in- 
dustrial operation. Control of heat in- 
volves control of temperature. We have 
thermometers and other devices enough to 
measure heat, it would seem. They are too 
coarse when the difference of a hundredth 
of a degree spells success or failure. The 
electron tube steps in and with its in- 
visible sensitive fingers swings a needle 
on a dial and thus tells from second to 
second whether there is too much or too 
little heat. In this way the time of 
brazing some machine parts has been re- 
duced from four minutes to forty seconds. 



The phototitner (mounted at bottom of screen hood) shuts off the X-ray tube when proper 
exposure has been made. It steps up X-ray pictures to six a minute, 1,000 a day 

The electron tube not only controls but 
generates heat. Doctors have used it in 
this fashion to set up artificial fevers within 
the body in treating arthritis and venereal 
diseases. The patient sits between two 
plates. Nothing touches him. A radio 
wave passes through him, heats up his 
tissues, quickens his physiological proces- 
ses. Inside of the machine are the elec- 
tron tubes that send out the waves actually 
radio waves. Fever machines built on the 
same principle are found in many a war 

If heat is wanted on a spot of metal no 
bigger than a pinhead, the electron tube 
supplies it; if the area is a square yard, 
the tube obliges. So nice is the applica- 
tion that the metal can be heated to red- 
ness or just enough to achieve a technical 
purpose. Only three years ago it used 
to take hours and sometimes days to set 
the binder that holds layers of plywood 
together. The electronic fever machine 
does the work in minutes and releases men. 
Wherever there is gluing and welding to 
be done the electron tube is in charge. 
Sheets of plastics are fused into boards. 
Strips of metal are "sewn" together at the 
rate of 1,800 invisible stitches a minute. 
In "spot-welding," electron tubes join 
metals before the whole mass has time 
to heat up. If there is polishing to be 
done, the electron tube is switched on to 
melt down the minute hills that cause 

The household is bound to profit by the 
introduction of the electronic fever ma- 
chine. Bread, cake, stews, roasts all can 
be cooked on an electronic range. You 
may miss the golden brown crust on a 
loaf of bread or the crisp shell of a roast 
beef, for the electron tube sends out waves 
that heat bread and meat from the inside 
out. Still it is something that you can 
cook a stew in your best china dish, time 

the process to the second and let the range 
cut off the heat automatically at the pre- 
determined instant. 

Hair-Trigger Control 

When it comes to selective action there 
is nothing that remotely approaches the 
electron tube. Electrons are always nega- 
tively charged. This means that they will 
fly to a positively charged surface and away 
from one negatively charged. The prin- 
ciple is applied in painting. If a metal 
kitchen cabinet is to be painted, a tube is 
switched on to charge the paint negatively, 
whereupon the paint flies to the positively 
charged metal surface and sticks there. 
So it is when dust is to be precipitated 
from values. In refining plants, powdered 
ore is dropped on a slowly rotating drum 
electronically sprayed with either positive 
or negative electricity. Ten million particles 
that make up ten pounds of concentrated 
ore drop off; the useless rest drops off 
a little farther on. There are two piles 
the one concentrated ore, the other mere 
dirt. It is possible in this way to wring 
one half of one percent of tin from its 

Some of these electron tubes are what 
the engineer calls "rectifiers." He means 
that they change alternating into direct cur- 
rent. Direct current flows in one direc- 
tion only, like water in a pipe; alternating 
current swings back and forth usually 
sixty times a second. In many shops and 
mills the motors on individual machines are 
driven by direct current because speed 
can thus be more easily controlled. It is 
possible to change a direct current into an 
alternating current by a machine called a 
"converter" and thus give the shop what 
it wants. But converters are difficult to ob- 
tain because of the exigencies of war. 
The electron tube now does the conversion. 
It performs its task with a precision that 

has given the term "scientific management" 
a new meaning. The reason is that the 
mechanical tools of a machine shop have 
a rhythm of their own. Work must flow 
from machine to machine in a stream that 
must never stop. The electron tubes control 
the pace of individual machines and 
hence the whole shop. "You're too fast," 
they say to a motor and slow it down. 
Everywhere in the shop the electron tube 
watches and regulates. The control is of 
the hair-trigger type sensitive and unfail- 

The Infallible Watchman 

There are micrometers in machine shops 
that measure sizes down to the ten- 
thousandth of an inch. The electronic 
tube does better. No gauge can measure 
powders which consist of particles that may 
be of microscopic dimensions. But the 
electron tube can. In fact it can measure 
a millionth of an inch. So it is with 
vapors. If there is only a whiff of an im- 
purity, the electron tube will detect it 
and flash a warning red light. Fruit grow- 
ers save thousands of dollars annually by 
using electronic inspectors to throw out 
oranges and pears that are overweight, un- 
derweight or off-color and all at lightning 

Most of these sorters are photoelectric 
cells, that is, tubes which change light 
into an electric current by which auxiliary 
apparatus can be set in motion. Even be- 
fore the war we saw what the photoelectric 
cell could do in railway stations. Carrying 
a bag with one hand, a suitcase with the 
other we approached a door. As we 
did so we intercepted a beam of light which 
fell on a concealed cell. With that inter- 
ception a circuit was completed and ap- 
paratus set in motion that obligingly opened 
the door for us. When we passed out of 
the beam the door closed. 

The same principle is applied in several 
hundred different ways. If smoke from 
a chimney is too thick always a sign 
that fuel is wasted the beam of light is 
cut off, whereupon engineers are warned 
that their fires need attention. Anything 
can be electronically counted from auto- 
mobiles traveling through a tunnel or past 
a given point on the road to bottles or 
castings on a belt conveyor or printed 
sheets as they come off the press. The 
thickness of paper as it is formed from 
pulp on a machine can be thus gauged 
and held constant. Cracks and holes in 
thin sheets can be detected. 

Go into any good pharmaceutical labora- 
tory and you will see the photoelectric 
cell peering into a solution and telling the 
chemists how much vitamin it contains. 
Go into a tobacco factory and you will see 
cells sorting fifteen-cent from ten-cent ci- 
gars. Go to any plant where powdered 
metals are pressed and sintered into ma- 
chine parts and you will see the cell sort- 
ing the particles and counting them at the 
rate of 50,000 a minute. An elaborate in- 
strument of which photoelectric cells are 
the heart and brain can distinguish two 
million tints. The best that an artist can 
(Continued on page 106) 




/. A British Plan 

What Beveridge Proposes 

An outline of policy and action by which the democracies can outlaw 
unemployment in peacetime, and provide steady jobs and steady markets. 



Beveridge submitted his notable report on 
social insurance to the British government. 
This public document, bold and far-reach- 
ing though it was, has been accepted in 
its essentials by the Churchill government 
as the pattern for reorganizing Britain's al- 
ready relatively advanced social security 

But as Sir William emphasized in his 
report, the success of the social security 
program depends on the abolition of mass 
unemployment. No social insurance sys- 
tem can provide adequately for all the vic- 
tims of social misfortune if the productive 
resources of the country are largely im- 
mobilized. Nor can security be regarded 
as a satisfactory substitute for jobs. As 
Sir William puts it in his inimitable phrase- 

"Idleness is not the same as Want, but 
a separate evil which men do not escape by 
having income. They must also have the 
chance of rendering useful service and of 
feeling that they are doing so." 

The Peacetime Problem 

Since the British government did not 
ask him to prepare a companion study on 
the problems of full employment, Sir Wil- 
liam undertook the task on his own re- 
sponsibility. The absence of government 
assistance has naturally restricted the scope 
of his study, but the "policy" for full em- 
ployment which is outlined in his new 
book* is marked by the same clarity, and 
the same mastery of both details and es- 
sentials which characterized his justly cele- 
brated Beveridge Plan. With the result 
that his two studies stand as twin beacons 
in all the welter of discussion of postwar 
economic policy in this country and in 
Great Britain. 

To say that "Full Employment in a 
Free Society" is a remarkable book, or even 
an outstanding one, is an understatement. 
While it may never be a best-seller even 
among serious books because of its tech- 
nical nature, it is the kind of book that 
exercises tremendous influence on the so- 
cial and economic thinking of a generation. 
If we are wise in our political decisions, it 
may have great influence on the recasting 
of our economic mechanism so as to elimi- 
nate the maladjustments created by our 
modern industrial system. 

The problem of creating an economy that 
will assure jobs for all is far more com- 

by Sir William Beveridge. Norton. $3.75. 

By an American authority on employ- 
ment and social insurance. Mr. Stewart 
is editor of the Public Affairs Pamphlets, 
and an associate editor of The Nation. 
He is the author of "Social Security," 
"America in a World at War," "Build- 
ing for Peace at Home and Abroad." 

Survey Graphic readers will recall his 
critique of the National Resources Plan- 
ning Board reports on demobilization 
and social security in our special issue, 
"From War to Work." 

plicated than that of drawing up a work- 
able program of social security. There is 
little in the peacetime experience of either 
Great Britain or the United States to indi- 
cate that full employment is a practical pos- 
sibility in a free society. 

Since the industrial revolution, both 
countries have always had available, ex- 
cept in time of war, considerably more men 
and women looking for jobs than there 
were jobs to be filled. 

Despite all the furor about eliminating 
unemployment during the past two or three 
decades, the proportion of jobless men and 
women has never been higher than in the 
period between World War I and World 
War II. Between 1921 and 1938 the gen- 
eral unemployment rate in Britain aver- 
aged 14.2 percent. In those seventeen years 
there was only one brief period in which it 
fell to less than 10 percent. Furthermore, 
unemployment was much more severe in . 
the second postwar decade than in the first, 
and more severe in both than in any cor- 
responding period before World War I. 

American workers were also much more 
severely plagued with joblessness between 
1930 and the outbreak of World War II 
than at any previous time. Substantial re- 

lief was not obtained in either country un- 
til the rearmament program which pre- 
ceded the war. 

Yet when war comes, unemployment 
rapidly melts away. That has been true 
both in Britain and in the United States, 
true both in World War I and World War 
II. The contrast between the best peace 
year and a normal war year is startling. 

In 1937, which was Britain's best year 
between the wars, unemployment was cut 
to approximately 1,500,000. In 1943, the 
number was not more than 100,000. War 
presents rather conclusive evidence that the 
number of jobs in the world is not limited 
as so many people have believed. De- 
spite the fact that millions of men have 
been taken into the armed forces, the num- 
ber of industrial jobs has increased sub- 
stantially. Thus, it is obvious that the num- 
ber of jobs can be increased whenever the 
government supplies sufficient incentive for 
doing so. Our problem boils down to that 
of finding peacetime incentives which are 
comparable to those afforded by war. 

Wartime Lessons 

Some of the factors which aid in pro- 
viding full employment during a war can- 
not very well be utilized in a peacetime 
program. During war, for instance, the 
individual citizen willingly accepts inter- 
ference with his control over the purse- 
strings. He will permit a much higher 
level of taxation than in peacetime; he will 
put his savings into government bonds; 
permit the government to tell him what 
he can and cannot buy; and even allow 
the government to exercise some compul- 
sion in telling him where and at what 
tasks he should work. Since no one wants 
such controls over his way of life in or- 
dinary times, we must seek a peacetime 

GENERAL EMPLOYMENT RATE 1921-1938 (Great Britain and Northern Ireland) 



1922 1925 1924 B25 1926 1927 1926 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 1934 1935 1936 1927 

Chart from the new Beveridge book 

MARCH. 1945 


program for full employment that can op- 
erate without them. 

Certain lessons can, however, be distilled 
from our wartime experience. Chief among 
these is the necessity for setting up a social 
goal that is compelling enough to com- 
mand the support of all groups within the 
community, and seeing that sufficient 
money is spent to attain this goal, subject 
only to the physical limitations imposed by 
shortages of manpower and resources. And 
while it is not thinkable to apply compul- 
sion in getting workers to accept specific 
jobs in peacetime, the government can and 
should insist on the elimination of all 
"featherbedding" and other restrictions on 
the use of manpower. Finally, as Sir 
William reminds us, "war experience con- 
firms the possibility of securing full em- 
ployment by socialization of demand with- 
out socialization of production." 

Let us examine that phrase. In peace 
or in war, employment depends on spend- 
ing, or what Beveridge prefers to call "out- 
lay." We shall have full employment only 
if enough is spent to create a demand for 
goods that cannot be satisfied without using 
the whole manpower of the country. So 
far as employment itself is concerned it 
makes no difference whether the increased 
spending comes from private business, in- 
dividual citizens, or the government. Which 
source the money comes from is charged, 
of course, with high political voltage, but 
the government alone is in a position to 
take responsibility for seeing that outlay 
is maintained. No one else has the neces- 
sary power, and bitter experience over a 
period of many years shows that spending is 
always insufficient unless the government 
takes a hand. Sir William insists that it 
should be just as much the duty of the 
state to protect its citizens against mass 
unemployment, by assuring adequate spend- 
ing, as it is to defend its citizens against 
attack from abroad or robbery and violence 
at home, by the use of army and police. 

The "Human Budget" 

To achieve this objective, Sir William 
proposes a new type of budget. This bud- 
get would be based, not upon money, but 
upon available manpower. It would be a 
"human budget." It would contain esti- 
mates of how much, assuming full em- 
ployment, individual citizens could be ex- 
pected to spend in the following year. The 
amount of public outlay that would be 
necessary to maintain full employment 
could then be computed. If this outlay can 
be met within the limits of taxation al- 
ready assumed, well and good. But if the 
government is serious about full employ- 
ment, it must be prepared just as in war- 
time to spend as much over and above its 
receipts in taxes as the emergency requires. 

As an illustration, Sir William prepares 
a British budget for 1948. Its principal 
items are: 

1. Private consumption outlay; 

2. Public consumption outlay; 

3. Net private home investment; 

4. Public outlay based on revenue; 

5. Public outlay based on loans; 

6. Balance of payments from abroad; and 

7. A computation of unused resources 
derived by subtracting the total of 
items 1-6 from the estimated capacity 
output with full employment. 

It is estimated that with full employ- 
ment Britain's total output in 1948 should 
be approximately 20 percent higher than 
in 1938. This would permit a 19 percent 



increase in individual consumer spending 
(in contrast to the 21 percent reduction 
which resulted from the war) and a 25 per- 
cent increase in investments. 

Uses of Outlay 

The essence of the Beveridge program is 
to be found, of course, in the things which 
the government undertakes in order to 
increase and maintain spending at a level 
that will provide jobs for all. Everyone 
understands how this is done in time of 
war. But there is profound skepticism in 
conservative circles regarding its possibility 
in peacetime. Beveridge does not rely 
merely on public works, or on a combina- 
tion of public works and relief as did the 
United States in the 1930's. His program 
is a comprehensive one involving: 

Public spending for non-marketable 
goods and services, such as roads, schools, 
hospitals, defense, and order; 

Investment in a socialized sector of in- 
dustry, including transport, power and 
either coal or steel; 

Creation of a National Investment Board 
to provide loans and tax rebates to private 

Encouragement of low prices for essen- 
tial consumer goods if necessary, by a 
system of subsidies; 

Increase in private spending by increased 
national income and broadened social se- 
curity provisions. 

Among the items on which the govern- 
ment is urged to increase its spending dur- 
ing the postwar period in order to im- 
prove British living standards are: a na- 
tional health service, nutrition, a broadened 

educational system, town and city planning, 
and, of course, the expanded social security 
program known popularly as "the Bever- 
idge Plan." 

Some attention, he holds, will also need 
to be given to the location of industries. 
This is a particularly crucial problem in 
Britain because of overcrowding in and 
around London and the state of the "de- 
pressed areas." A measure of governmental 
control over industrial shifts he regards as 
an essential part of a full employment pro- 

Distribution of Labor 

Even more crucial, and more difficult, is 
the problem of controlling the location of 
labor so that there will not be too many 
workers in some localities, too few in others. 
An analysis of prewar unemployment in 
Britain shows that while every industry and 
every section of the country had more 
workers than available jobs, some sections 
suffered much more severely than others. 
In 1937, for example, the unemployment 
rate varied from approximately 6 percent 
in the London area to 24 percent in Wales 
and 26 percent in Northern Ireland. 

In a totalitarian state, the task of shift- 
ing workers from one area to another pre- 
sents no problem. They can be ordered to 
move, regardless of convenience or senti- 
ment. But such compulsion is intolerable 
in a free society. Sir William believes, 
however, that some pressure might be used 
to encourage workers to accept jobs away 
from home. Thus in the case of young 
workers who have been trained at state ex- 
pense, he feels that the government would 
be justified in continuing the wartime re- 
quirement of compulsory use of the labor 
exchanges. And he suggests that if the 
government lives up to its responsibility of 
providing enough jobs for all, it would be 
justified in imposing stiff conditions for 
unemployment benefits on those who re- 
main out of work in one locality for any 
length of time. Beyond this, he suggests 
that the restrictions on employment en- 
forced by trade unions and professional 
bodies should be rigorously reviewed to 
see if they are still applicable under con- 
ditions of full employment. 

Of crucial significance to Great Britain 
and of almost as great concern to the 
United States are the implications of Bev- 
eridge's full employment program as these 
bear on world trade and prosperity. Ob- 
viously, Britain cannot hope to improve 
living conditions and provide jobs for all 
of its workers without considerable trade 
with other countries. But this imperative 
raises fresh issues of international relations. 

American Applications 

Many Britishers are fearful of linking 
their economy too closely with that of the 
United States lest they suffer a repetition 
of the events of 1929. If Britain follows 
a policy of full employment but the United 
States does not, Britain might readily be- 
come a victim of our policy of "exporting 
unemployment" or, as we prefer to call it, 
of "stimulating exports." If the United 
States and other countries continue to pur- 
sue nationalistic economic policies after the 
(Continued on page 105) 



//. American Bill 

From Patchwork to Purpose 

Four ranking senators throw into open discussion the momentous 
issue of where we go after the war and how we can get started. 


E. Murray of Montana, chairman of the 
Senate Committee on Education and Labor, 
introduced the "Full Employment Bill of 
1945." Joined with him as co-authors were: 

Robert F. Wagner, New York, chairman, 
Committee on Banking and Currency; 

Elbert D. Thomas, Utah, chairman, Com- 
mittee on Military Affairs; and 

Joseph C. O'Mahoney, Wyoming, chair- 
man of the recent Temporary National 
Economic Committee. 

Representative Wright Patman, Texas, 
introduced a companion bill in the House. 

The range of sponsorship is significant; 
and so was the timing, for that was the 
first month of a new Congress which, we 
can hope, will prove the first postwar Con- 

Regardless of the vicissitudes it may face 
before coming to a vote, this bill is central 
to present public concern. Its short confines 
and simple provisions embrace such vital 
matters as the relationships between in- 
dustry and government; between the Presi- 
dent and the Congress; between the gov- 
ernment and the people. 

At such a juncture, it is good to remem- 
ber that democratic states thrive upon the 
basis of agreement about fundamentals. 
Even our cherished rights to debate and 
dissent such as freedom of speech, of con- 
science, of assembly derive from a few 
accepted propositions written into the Con- 
stitution. Thus without complete agreement 
about freedom of speech, no one could 
speak out in disagreement about anything. 

Our economic progress, like our political 
freedom, depends in this same way upon 
reconciling the privilege of differing about 
many matters with the capacity to arrive 
freely at an accord about some essentials. 
Can we say as much for this Full Employ- 
ment Bill that it stems from heartening 
agreement on a few dominant factors to be 
reckoned with in our industrial affairs? Let 
me cite half a dozen in sequence: 

The Opportunity That Is Ours 

1. Our unrivaled American aptitude for 
technological advance, spurred on by the 
depression years and since driven harder 
by the impulse of total war, has exceeded 
the most fanciful expectations. Witness 
Hagen and Kirkpatrick. In the American 
Economic Review (September 1944) they 
estimate that the output per man hour in a 
grouping of basic industries rose from an 
index of 100 for 1923-25 to 122 for 1929, 
to 167 for 1940. Viewing the marvels of war 

production, they conclude that the index 
may well go above 232 by 1950. 

The increase has not been so startling 
in other industries or in agriculture. Yet if 
we couple this rising efficiency with reason- 
ably full employment, it has been calculated 
that (at the 1944 price level) the value of 
our annual gross national product, which 
stood at 106 billion dollars in 1929, slumped 
to 76 billion in 1932, and rose to 115 billion 
in 1939 will reach 195 to 200 billion 
dollars by 1950. 

Allowing for increases in population, this 
would mean by 1950 a general output per 
capita more than 50 percent higher than in 
the peak "prosperity" year of 1929. 

2. If we come near this attainable goal, 
we can assure the economic upgrading of 
the average family and at the same time 
preserve individual initiative, unusual re- 
ward for unusual merit, and full incentives 
to legitimate private risk-taking. 

Without making it impossible for any 
to get rich, we can make it unnecessary for 
any to suffer proverty. 

3. These bright prospects have their dis- 

The general counsel of the National 
Housing Agency is a South Carolinian 
who studied law at Harvard and post- 
graduate economics at Columbia. 

Writing here personally, he has had 
much experience up and down Pennsyl- 
vania Avenue. Thus, he spent the mid- 
Thirties on Capitol Hill as an assistant 
to Senator Robert F. Wagner, on the 
latter's great bills on Housing and Labor 
Relations, National Recovery and Social 
Security. Then came five years as deputy 
administrator of the United States (now 
Federal Public) Housing Authority. 

Up to his elbows in war and postwar 
matters in his present post, he was one 
of 35,767 entrants a year ago for the 
"Postwar Employment Awards" offered 
by the Pabst Brewing Co., in celebrating 
its centennial. The judges were Clarence 
Dykstra, Wesley C. Mitchell, Beardsley 
Ruml, and A. F. Whitney. 

Mr. Keyserling's entry (rated second 
$10,000) called for an American 
Economic Goal; for concerted policies to 
lift not only production and employ- 
ment, but also standards of living; and 
for a continuing inventory as both yard- 
stick and lever. These concepts he ap- 
plies in appraising "The Full Employ- 
ment Bill of 1945" S. 380; H.R. 2,202. 

mal counterpoint, if the shortcomings of 
the past pervade the future. So long as our 
economic system retains its brittleness, the 
impact of twenty million veterans and ex- 
war workers looking for postwar jobs 'will 
deal it a shattering blow. That is, one which 
ultimately might smash us down into a 
depression as much larger than the de- 
pression of the Thirties as our effort in this 
war has been larger than our effort in the 
last war. 

4. Which of these two roads we follow 
will not be left to fate. It will be a man- 
made choice, representing a compound of 
economic policies and programs put into 
effect by industry, agriculture, labor, and 
government. Our future is in their hands 
rather, if we will, in our own. 

5. In order that this compound of policies 
and programs achieve optimum results, it 
is essential that industry, agriculture, labor, 
and government work together. 

This imposes a double obligation upon 
the federal government. As itself the largest 
single conditioner of our economy as a 
whole, its actions must be reasonably clear, 
stable, and thought through to their ulti- 
mate implications. It must also take the 
leadership (for no other agency can) in 
bringing its own variegated economic activ- 
ities into harmony (through conference and 
agreement) with those of private enterprise, 
organized labor, and of our state and local 

For each of these performers to take a 
proper part in our national symphony of 
productive effort, there must be a score. 
Clearly each of them should play the in- 
strument for which his gifts are greatest; 
yet, if all of them are to keep clear of 
discord, someone must wield a baton. Such 
is the tradition of music; but dictation does 
not fit into the orchestration of democracy. 

6. Hence we must find equivalents for 
score and director if we are to make the 
music we want to hear. We must have a 
unifying American Economic Policy di- 
rected toward a common American Eco- 
nomic Goal. (Of these, more later.) 

The Gap Filled by the Bill 

Once we found substantial agreement on 
such points as these, it would be a far cry 
from the time when serious men accepted 
literally that the poor should always be with 
us; or shook their heads forlornly at the 
natural and immutable laws of the "dismal 

MARCH 1945 
















But even with consensus about what we 
have and what we need, there would re- 
main one difficulty that has balked us at 
every turn. Aside from our war effort, we 
have not yet arrived at enough fundamental 
agreements or even the machinery for 
achieving them with respect to the content 
or the application of an integrated economic 
policy to carry us where we want to go. 

Curiously indeed, in a pragmatic and 
practical people, we have not developed any 
device for a continuing inventory of exist- 
ing and largely disjointed public policies 
even to measure whether these are working 
well or badly. 

The Full Employment Bill is designed to 
fill in this gap. It would blend the economic 
programs of private enterprise and public 
agencies into one American Economic Pol- 
icy headed toward what might be called an 
American Economic Goal. No, the bill does 
not use these terms. The goal stated is 
simply this: 

". . . the existence at all times of sufficient 
employment opportunities to enable all 
Americans who have finished their school- 
ing and who do not have full time house- 
keeping responsibilities freely to exercise 
. . . the right to useful, remunerative, regu- 
lar and full time employment." 

But if we broaden this idea of full em- 
ployment to include, also, the best utiliza- 
tion of our natural resources and technical 
skills (this, the bill at least implies) then it 
may be said that it sets forth as our Amer- 
ican postwar objective: 

The achievement of the highest levels o/ 
production and presumably the highest 
standards of living that are within our 

A goal of this kind, aside from the means 
of attaining it, would not seem subject to 
much debate. Nor would there seem much 
room for questioning the stated policy of 
the bill that as much of this achievement 
as possible should be through the medium 
of private enterprise and other non-federal 
















(1944 PRICES) 

$ 195*200 BILLION 

$ 195-200 BILLION 


undertakings. This course stems soundly 
from Lincoln's statescraft that 

"It is the function of the government to 
do for the people only what they need to 
have done and cannot do for themselves, 
or cannot do so well, in their separate and 
individual capacities." 

The Core of the Bill 

' The measure, as drafted, rapidly gets 
down to earth in the industrial civilization 
that has sprung up in the United States 
since Lincoln's time. It designs machinery 
for formulating such an over-all economic 
policy, for gearing it to such an American 
postwar objective, and for consecutively 
evaluating the means used in terms of the 
ends sought. 

Specifically, the bill provides that at the 
beginning of each regular session of Con- 
gress, the President shall transmit a Na- 

$ 106 BILLION 

Jj||fi : 

?':SS:S:-SxSx : - : '- : '' 

1$ 76 BILLION 








FORCES (1944) 

tional Production and Employment Budget. 
This would set forth, in substance, an esti- 
mate of what at the time would constitute 
full employment coupled with an estimate 

1. How much employment is in prospect 
as the sum total of all private and other 
non-federal undertakings. 

2. How far these undertakings will fall 
short of the yardstick of full employment. 

3. What policies the federal government 
can and should utilize to maximize the 
success of these private and other non- 
federal undertakings in achieving full em- 
ployment; and, as a final supplement, 

4. What programs the federal govern- 
ment itself needs to undertake to assure 
full employment. (Present estimates put 
that at 50 or 60 million jobs.) 

The bill contemplates, also, that the 
President shall from time to time transmit 
to the Congress information and legislative 
recommendations bearing upon this Na- 
tional Production and Employment Budget. 

On the congressional side, the bill would 
establish a Joint Committee on the National 
Production and Employment Budget. This, 
in turn, would be composed of the chair- 
man and ranking minority members of 
the Senate committees on Appropriations, 
Banking and Currency, Education and 
Labor, and Finance, and seven additional 
members of the Senate appointed by the 
President of the Senate. It would include, 
also, the chairmen and ranking minority 
members of the House Committees on Ap- 
propriations, Banking and Currency, Labor, 
and Ways and Means, and seven additional 
members of the House appointed by the 
Speaker. Party representation on the Joint 
Committee would reflect automatically the 
relative membership of the majority and 
minority parties. 

The bill provides further that the Joint 
Committee shall study this new type of 
budget transmitted by the President, and 
by March 1 shall report its findings and 
recommendations to the Senate and the 
House, together with a joint resolution 
setting forth for the ensuing fiscal year a 

MARCH 1945 


general policy to serve as guide to the com- 
mittees on Capitol Hill dealing with re- 
lated legislation. 

The Place of the Bill in Our Thinking 

It can safely be said that no future his- 
torian will be able to date the decline of 
the Republic from the introduction of this 
bill! It proposes no redistribution of func- 
tions between the Congress and the Presi- 
dent. It fastens upon no single economic 
program or panacea for producing full em- 
ployment, nor does it introduce specific 
economic measures that have not now been 
tried out. It involves neither socialization 
nor nationalization of anything that is 
now privately owned or operated. 

So far as philosophy goes, the bill 
preaches neither the expansion of govern- 
mental functions nor the contraction of 
voluntary initiative. To the contrary, it ex- 
plicitly requires that every effort be made 
to enlarge our system of private enterprise 
as our first and longest front against un- 

As a second line of defense, the bill con- 
templates that, by some method, the gov- 
ernment shall provide jobs for those who 
want work when all other methods have 
failed to employ them. But this residual 
responsibility of government by the people, 
for the people, was itself put forward last 
fall with equal fervor by Franklin D. 
Roosevelt and Thomas E. Dewey. 

What is more two considerations that 
have not always been uppermost in the 
past the bill requires that jobs provided 
through direct public action shall be tested 
in terms of their effect upon stimulating 
private enterprise and in terms of the value 
of their end products. 

More difficult to allay may be trepidation 
that a thorough-going national policy to 
assure full employment would tend toward 
the spread of bureaucracy, toward public 
control and operation in an ever-increasing 
area of economic activity. 

Wise application of the act would pull 
strongly in exactly the opposite direction. 
Let us suppose, for example, that a National 
Production and Employment Budget had 
been in effect during a period of reasonably 
high employment before 1929. One factor 
entering into that fall's crisis was the failure 
of mass purchasing power to keep pace 
with productive capacity. Other factors 
were rampant speculation in securities and, 
in reaction to this, the psychology of busi- 
ness fear and contraction which came to a 
head in the stock market crash. 

Under a National Production and Employ- 
ment Budget, depressive tendencies would 
have been registered through its continuing 
annual inventories long before the country 
was thrown into the spiral of depression. 

By 1927, the economic brains and re- 
sources of America could have been mar- 
shaled to exercise a corrective influence all 
along the line. As time wore on, President 
Hoover sensed this, but his plea to stop 
wage cutting went unheeded. 

Concerted advance action throughout the 
highly strategic areas of prices, taxes and 
wages, accompanied by moderate public 
works, would have written a different story 
and gone a long way toward maintaining 


our economy in equilibrium. Much of this 
could have been voluntary; some would 
have required legislation or compulsion. 
Prompt public moves in a limited sphere 
might have averted a major economic 
catastrophe. There would have been no 
occasion for the infinitely more sweeping 
governmental undertakings which the 
actual catastrophe provoked. 

This illustration suggests a variety of 
reasons why such a system for budgetary 
production and employment should sim- 
plify and pare down the governmental struc- 
ture. The testing of each separate admin- 
istrative institution in terms of a single 
American Economic Policy would help 
weed out duplication and cross-purposes. A 
constant inventory of economic trends in 
general and of the economic consequences of 
policies already in effect, would encourage 
the stitch in time that saves nine. By 
keeping our economic affairs on an even 
keel, the proliferation of remedial and 
rescue ventures can be avoided. In short, to 
compress these analogies into a rule of 

If the American government, in concert 
with industry, agriculture, and labor, did a 
few things very well, it would become 
unnecessary for it to attempt under duress 
of emergency a great variety of things with 
varying degrees of success. 

Of course, the economic specifics for ef- 
fecting a smooth transition from war to 
peace are very different from those which 
might have averted or have minimized the 
depression of the Thirties. But the Full 
Employment Bill does not involve pre-com- 
mitment to details. As illustrated by the 
accompanying chart (page 96), it presents 
instead a new method for developing sound 
measures to meet current problems in their 
sequence. It has the merit of being oppor- 
tune, without the demerit of resorting 
habitually to improvization to handle a 
crisis. It leaves room for fresh experiment 
without abandoning the hard lessons of 

When Things Are Left at Loose Ends 

What, in truth, has our experience taught 
us? By way of illustration, more than half 
a century ago we initiated the anti-trust 
laws. It is not important, here, to appraise 
whether these laws were wise or not. The 
point to be made is that even while Uncle 
Sam was shaking the big stick at the 
trusts, federal tariff and tax policies moved 
in diametrically the opposite direction to- 
ward encouraging nothing less than large 
scale enterprise and monopoly. Not only 
were these two sets of policies in conflict 
responsive to different social pressures and 
tuned to tickle different political ears but 
there was never much meticulous checking 
as to whether they were accomplishing 
clear objectives, however inconsistent these 
might be. 

Moreover, the failure to orientate the 
anti-trust laws themselves to goals for the 
economy as a whole, led inescapably to 
vagaries when we came to apply them. We 
commenced to promote recovery in 1933 
by a virtual suspension of these laws. We 
sought to prevent business recession after 
1937 by reinvigorating them. And we have 

gone about promoting the war effort in 
some quarters by enforcing anti-trust laws, 
in other quarters by ignoring them. 

In contrast, the series of economic mea- 
sures enacted in 1933 and after represented 
a concerted effort to develop a system of 
interrelated public policies. Nonetheless, it 
has been observed frequently that the Na- 
tional Industrial Recovery Act and the 
Agricultural Adjustment Act, the two big 
cylinders of the New Deal recovery ma- 
chine, were in some degree incompatible. 

There were three main programs under 
the Recovery Act itself one designed to 
strengthen labor through encouragement of 
collective bargaining; another, to strengthen 
trade associations and tending toward re- 
stricted production; and the third, to ex- 
pand production and employment through 
public works. These programs soon became 
conspicuously strange bedfellows. Some of 
the conflicts were smoothed over; none was 
completely rationalized. 

Our need for a unified American Eco- 
nomic Policy is not limited to times of 
stress. Our social security program sprang 
from emergency in the mid-Thirties, but 
in the years since, the program as it has 
developed has exhibited the same need for 
wider unity. Take unemployment compen- 
sation which was advocated along three 

To spur managements to concentrate 
upon stabilizing employment; 

To check the spread of unemployment by 
maintaining purchasing power; and 

To provide compensation (not charity) 
for those unemployed. 

These three purposes are not rriutually 
exclusive; all of them are worthwhile, but 
the system should delineate paramount and 
secondary objectives and be accompanied by 
some device for measuring success ir 
achieving each of them. 

Collateral effects, also, should be weighed 
for example, the influence of the payroll 
taxes, imposed by the Social Security Act, 
upon capital investment and consequently 
upon unemployment itself. Further, the re- 
lation of the system to other programs with 
kindred purposes should be explored. For 
example, to other stabilizing programs, 
such as tax incentives or the guaranteed 
purchase of excess products; and to other 
purchasing power programs, such as public 

This adds up to the conclusion that we 
can have an organic social security policy 
only as part of an American Economic 

The Art of Finding Unity 

The foregoing is not critical of those who 
have been responsible for establishing or 
administering separate programs of this 
sort. In the absence of an all-inclusive 
American Economic Policy, it is hard to 
arrive at a satisfying tax policy, or social 
security policy, or public works policy, or 
labor policy, or banking policy, or foreign 
economic policy. One test of subsidiary ob- 
jectives is to fit them into the over-all 
objective. We cannot excel in parts until we 
know what the whole job is and how we 
are getting along with it. 

(Continued on page 106) 


What Shall We Do About Germany? 

The answer can be found in the universal ruins of universal 
war. Not in misleading lessons of history, but in the vast 
revolution in human affairs that has been wrought by science. 


in France and I suppose elsewhere in 
continental Europe which crossed a stream 
of any size, had a hidden chamber built 
into the arch, the location of which was 
known to the engineers of Bridges and 
Highways (Fonts et Chaussees). This 
chamber was so placed that if and when an 
invading enemy came down the road, a 
single charge of explosives could blow up 
the span. 

Although nothing was said about it prior 
to the Nazi blitz those who lived in any 
countryside were always aware of this pro- 
vision for their defense, a provision that is 
altogether real where every stream may be 
a battlefront, and doubly real when neigh- 
boring countries are powerful and aggres- 

Can anyone imagine such a bridge built 
over the Wabash? Yet, if our frontiers were 
like those of the European states and our 
history had been as full of recurring wars 
with our neighbors as the long history of 
the European peoples, we should want the 
same kind of protection which they have 
built into not only their bridges, but the 
structure of their political and social life. 

Now as a result of the greatest of all 
invasions in the most terrible of all wars, 
the European peoples want something bet- 
ter than a bridge that can be blown up 
when the enemy approaches. They want 
something better than a Maginot Line of 
defense, or even a Siegfried Line on the 
frontier. They have learned by tragic ex- 
perience that there are no such Lines in 
the sky and that all war from now on is 
Total War, which means infinite disaster 
to everyone. 

The bridges of the future must, therefore, 
be unlike any of those in the past; because 
the future to which they lead has no parallel 
in history. > 

A Twice Told Tale 

The Second World War has shown still 
more clearly than the First that we are 
turning a great divide in human history. 

The countries of modern Europe, like the 
city states of ancient Greece, have produced 
a marvelous culture in the midst of a con- 
stant threat of destruction by war. Like 
the ancient Greeks they learned how to 
turn war to their advantage as nation after 
nation rose for a time to supremacy and. 
by the might of its arms, imposed its will 
upon others. This story of war has been the 
constantly recurring theme in the history 
of the European states, as it was for Sparta 
and even Athens. And the end may be the 
same. For it is clear to all thoughtful Euro- 
peans that the culture which they have built 



Second in a series of articles by the 
historian of World War I, chairman of 
the Commission to Study the Organiza- 
tion of Peace. 

up in the long course of centuries cannot 
survive another World War, now that 
modern science has developed its potentiali- 
ties for destruction. 

To put the case in the briefest terms: 
there must either be a new European civil- 
ization, free from war and the threat of it, 
or there will be no European civilization at 
all. It is no flight of the fancy, but sober 
truth, that unless the menace of war can be 
overcome, the Dark Ages will close again 
on the most promising chapter of the his- 
tory of the West. 

Unfortunately, that history throws no 
clear light upon the solution of this greatest 
of all problems. Or, rather, the light it 
throws is utterly misleading, for the climax 
of militarism was apparently the climax of 
culture. The only interval of unity which 
the West enjoyed was under the Roman 
Empire. Peace was secured by ruthless con- 
quest, but was finally lost to the very sol- 
diery which won it. Although within this 
mighty fabric of the ancient world, G"eek 
philosophy and Christian doctrine fovnd 
their place in the body of the Roman Law, 
Roman citizenship became less a privilege 
than a burden as bureaucrats took over the 
management of the State, at the behest of 
the Imperator. 

With Freedom gone, the vitality of an- 
tique civilization perished. Finally only a 
hollow shell was left and the barbarians 
roamed through the ancient seats of culture 
almost unopposed. 

Throughout succeeding centuries, how- 
ever, the might of Imperial Rome and the 
splendor of its achievements fastened them- 
selves upon the imagination of the Western 
world. Popes and emperors drew upon the 
prestige of Augustus and Hadrian. Poets 
like Dante and historians like Gibbon and 
Mommsen looked back to the era of the 
Caesars with a nostalgic sense of its great- 

It was not until our own day that this 
greatest of all the romances of history was 
analyzed with the cold measurement of ob- 
jective science. Even Mommsen failed to 
appreciate the fact that the ultimate disaster 
was inherent in the structure of the Roman 
State from the start because of the war 
system upon which it was so largely based. 
The predatory economics of conquest could 

not, in the very nature of the case, provide 
a lasting basis for wealth or for healthy 

These facts of history are only now 
emerging in the new status of the social 
and political sciences and no one has yet 
re-written the history of the West to show 
the effect of war upon the processes of 

It was natural, therefore, that the war 
system, as the readiest and most powerful 
solvent of all political and social problems, 
should maintain itself and continue to oper- 
ate in the national state, especially since it 
was by war that the nations of Europe 
overthrew the anarchy of feudalism. The 
fact that law and order grew under the 
supreme war lord, who was the king, gave 
an added legitimacy to sovereignty itself, 
which maintained the right to go to war 
whenever a nation's interests seemed to 
call for it. 

Roots of Nazi Policy 

My little excursion into Europe's past leads 
directly into the supreme problem of today 
that of the elimination of war as an in- 
strument of policy, because the supreme use 
of that instrument by Prussian militarism 
was definitely modeled upon the experience 
of Rome. It was not by chance that, in the 
days of the Prussian liberation after Napo- 
leon, a galaxy of German historians rebuilt 
Roman history and they continued to do so 
through the nineteenth century, a move- 
ment which culminated in Mommsen's 
masterly survey of Roman history and 
government. This not only strengthened 
the trend towards militarism but also put 
the accent upon loyalty to the State as the 
supreme civic virtue. There was no room 
for democracy in such a history or Weltan- 
schauung, but a justification for Bismarck 
and von Moltke. 

The roots of Nazi polity are therefore 
deeper than even the history of Prussia it- 
self. They go back through history to the 
beginning of time, for the war system goes 
back that far. Therefore, it is not only the 
history of Nazism and of Prussia which 
must be re-learned, but the history of civil- 
ization itself, with a proper appraisal of the 
evils which war has caused alongside its 
use as a defense against aggression and the 
forces of anarchy. 

Such a re-appraisal of the past would 
have only an academic interest, if it were 
not for the fact that in our own day science 
has changed the nature of war itself. All 
war will be Total War from now on, and 
Total War cannot be waged without mili- 
tarizing the entire society not only of the 
belligerents, but of the onlooking and ap 

MARCH 1945 


prehensive neutrals, so that it becomes a 
contagion of disaster and not an instrument 
under command. This means that to re- 
vive a great phrase which President Roose- 
velt first used on October 5, 1937 we must 
insure ourselves against war by quarantin- 
ing the nations which resort to it. 

What We Must Think Through 

This brings us at once from the past of 
Germany to its future. What should we do 
about it? We cannot leave this question to 
be settled by the great Triumvirate whose 
shadow now falls across the German Reich, 
although their decisions . will settle many 
aspects of it. In its long reach, it is our 
problem to be thought through by each of 
us, not only because of its absorbing inter- 
est, but because German propaganda will 
be challenging our strength of purpose for 
years to come. They will fall back upon 
history. What have we to fall back upon? 

There can be no doubt about the answer. 
It is to be found not in the blundering and 
tragic centuries, but in the present and the 
future, in the universal ruins of a universal 
war and in the fact that science, which has 
so greatly changed the nature of warfare, is 
a process which has only just begun and 
is going on forever, increasing its capacity 
by geometric progression. Every invention 
disturbs the existing equilibrium and thus 
calls for new inventions, which the intelli- 
gence of men will continually supply. It is 
in the light of this incredibly vast revolu- 
tion in human affairs that the old argu- 
ments in support of war become not only 
invalid but well-nigh criminal, because if 
followed through, mankind will have no 
future at all. 

Now how can we educate Germany, 
which has become the fanatic exponent of 
the outworn past, into the new era which 
science has imposed upon us? 

The first step is one on which all agree. 
We must destroy the mock Caesarism that 
has attempted to bestride the world. This 
means not only getting rid of Hitler and 
the minions of his court, but the legions 
which have responded to his command and 
the munition industries which have made 
the Nazi conquests possible. 

The only way to do this is to apply force 
to the uttermost. It is primarily a military 
problem and was treated as such at Yalta. 

The Crimea Agreement reaffirmed the 
three powers' "inflexible purpose to destroy 
German militarism and Nazism and to 
insure that Germany would never again 
be able to disturb the peace of the world. 
... It is not our purpose to destroy the 
people of Germany. . . ." 

The destruction of German militarism 
does not deny the German people a place 
in the sun. They are only to be denied 
other peoples' places in the sun. It 
would, in my opinion, be a grave blunder 
if the peace settlement were to result in 
placing great sections of the German popu- 
lation under foreign rule; and it would be 
only a degree less dangerous for it to 
result in the parceling up of Germany into 
separate German states. German economic 
life could not be prosperous if these political 
units were barred from tree economic inter- 
course with each other; and if they were 

free to deal with each other as they are 
today, the different sections of Germany 
would then find an easy pathway to a re- 
covery of their unity by a process which 
would find no little outside support. 

But if the parcelization of Germany must 
be avoided, how can we make sure that 
nation will not turn all its energy to secur- 
ing revenge in a Third World War? This 
is a question to which no one can have the 
final answer. But at least the program in- 
volves one major policy affecting us. 

Our Object Lesson 

International trade must become as free 
as possible so that Germany cannot renew 
its economic imperialism over those nations 
which are least able to defend themselves 
economically. Here we come at once upon 
a definite shaping of American policy. For 
a few years after this war and for a few 
years only we shall be immensely power- 
ful in the economic sphere. If we use that 
power farsightedly it can be a major 
weapon against the revival of German mili- 
tarism, or for that matter against any other 
attack on the liberties of free nations. 

We should build upon Cordell Hull's bi- 
lateral agreements for the reduction of trade 
barriers so as to transform them into a 
multi-lateral plan. We should do this any- 
way without regard to what takes place in 
Germany, for the sake of our own indus- 
tries and the vast, inescapable problem of 
postwar employment. It is, of course, pos- 
sible that we may not be wise enough to do 
the right thing because vested interests may 
block our path and distort our vision. But 
it is only in a world of economic prosperity 
that we can hope to build the structure of 
an enduring peace. 

I have not said anything about the re- 
education of the German mind through 
schools and colleges. There are those among 
us who seem to think that it will be our 
duty to engage in an evangelistic crusade 
over a beaten people. Surely we know 
enough about human nature to realize how 
utterly mistaken it would be for prophets 
of freedom to preach their gospel to the 
closed ears of a generation bitterly resentful 
of defeat. 

Our way to reach that generation is a 
much more practical one. Utter defeat must 
be registered in provisions for war pre- 
vention, so that the means for resort to war 
will no longer be at hand. Then the bene- 
fits of peace must be made apparent bv 
sound economic and social measures. Words 
will not suffice, nor idle promises. We shall 
have to show that this program is not 
make-believe, but that nations reared under 
freedom are more powerful in war and 
happier in peace than those whose minds 
are trained to slavery. The object lesson 
is the one lesson which will be effective. 

At the Crimea conference important de- 
cisions were taken as to the treatment of 
Germany. While rejoicing that the three 
powers are in agreement on such treatment, 
we must not forget that the small states, 
many of which are Germany's immediate 
neighbors, have all equally vital interest 
in such a settlement and less of a chance to 
enforce their will. They, too, should be 
consulted, both as to the treatment of 

Germany and in the planning of their own 
future. And this step should be taken at 
the earliest possible date. 

It is true that a state of emergency will 
exist for some time to come which will call 
for local action in redress of grievances and 
limited areas of international action. But 
these plans must be made and carried out 
with due regard to the ultimate realiza- 
tion of that world organization to maintain 
peace and security which was agreed upon 
by the four Great Powers of the United 
Nations at Moscow and given further form 
and reality at Dumbarton Oaks. 

The Big Three and France 

It is doubly important that this planning 
for the future should now be shared by 
nations other than the three Great Powers 
which have led hitherto. 

It should not be forgotten, although it is 
easy for us to do so, that none of these 
three belongs to Continental Europe in the 
strict sense of that term. 

Britain has until now been cut off from 
Europe by more than the Channel; its tra- 
ditional policy of the balance of power rest 
upon a conception of Britain watching the 
drama of continental politics, deeply inter- 
ested but still a spectator. 

Russia has only recently come within the 
circle of continental politics; and, since it 
undertook its great experiment of com- 
munism, it has held off and been held off 
almost as though it did not belong in the 
state system of today. 

As for the United States, we are suffici- 
ently foreign to the whole European scene 
to be regarded only as crusaders in times of 
crisis and not permanent members of the 

The first step in the rectification of this 
situation is the recognition of the role of 
France, both on its own behalf and on be- 
half of other continental countries which 
still look to it as the outstanding exponent 
of freedom and democracy. The Third 
Republic may have been weak and its pol- 
itics corrupt, but it at least was a champion 
of the forces against the Nazis. Belgium, 
The Netherlands, Norway and other coun- 
tries have each earned the right to stand 
alongside the Great Powers in the United 
Nations. They will add strength to the 
organization and save it from bearing even 
a semblance of a Holy Alliance. 

The sooner this organization takes shape, 
the clearer will be our policies with refer- 
ence to Germany. Already the need for 
clarification is evident in the immediate 
matter of the punishment of war criminals. 
We cannot expect all the countries to see 
alike in questions like this, nor will they 
agree as to the degree to which they \\ ; " 
want to have Germany undo some of the 
damage it has done. But the way to avoid 
misunderstanding is to prevent it from the 
beginning. That means organizing now. 

A start has already been made. An 
agreement has been reached for periodic 
meetings of the foreign ministers of the 
Great Powers to deal with current prob- 
lems. And the calling of the San Fran- 
cisco conference would indicate that the 
United Nations Organization may be set 
up very quickly. 



Statesmen Discover Medical Care 



tate of the late Edsel Ford four acres 
sweeping down to the Detroit River two 
and a half miles from the center of the 
city was overrun by auto workers. They 
were not trespassers. They owned it. Their 
union had bought it for a health center. 

In the mansion where the grandchildren 
of Henry Ford once played, X-ray appara- 
tus, laboratory benches, examining tables 
and medical record files stood ready for 
work. At the dedication of this Health 
Institute the chief speaker was the Sur- 
geon-General of the United States Public 
Health Service. The family of Henry 
Ford has not "moved from shirtsleeves to 
shirtsleeves in three generations," but in 
much less than that time its employes have 
taken long steps from hired help towards 
self-determination. The Health Institute 
is part of that self-expression, based upon 
the understanding that the people's health 
may be achieved by the people themselves 
by organized as well as individual action. 

This diagnostic clinic has been recognized 
as a community service. The Detroit War 
Chest has given $40,000 for its educational 
and psychiatric work which will reach 
beyond the automobile workers them- 
selves. The federal government has recog- 
nized its significance through the Public 
Health Service, three members of whose 
staff are on the Institute's medical council. 

Dr. Thomas Parran took the occasion 
of the dedication to offer the most com- 
prehensive national health program which 
the U. S. Public Health Service has yet 
presented. He stated objectives, not a 
scheme of legislation or administration, but 
even the brief quotation [see box on page 
102] makes clear that in scope and aims 
his program goes beyond the Wagner- 
Murray-Dingell bill of 1943 and may cor- 
respond more closely to what rumor sug- 
gests the 1945 bill will contain. 

At the time of the National Health Con- 
ference in 1938, the program of the U. S. 
Public Health Service covered hardly half 
this ground. During the same period, the 
American Public Health Association has 
made similar progress. 

Signs of the Times 

Paralleling these advances of the profes- 
sionals are recent significant utterances of 
public officials and of candidates for elec- 
tive office. President Roosevelt, in his list 
of "basic freedoms" put before the nation 
a year ago, included "adequate medical care 
. . . and the right to achieve and enjoy 
good health." Early in the 1944 campaign, 
Wendell Willkie declared: "Complete medi- 
cal care should be available to all. ... In 
any program . . . the value of the prac- 
ticing physician's relationship to his patient 
must be recognized. Adequate provision 
must be made for building hospital facili- 
ties . . . [and] for research and medical 


^-Second in the series by the chairman 
of the committee on Research in Medical 
Economics, and associate editor of Sur- 
vey Graphic. 

education." Thomas E. Dewey was even 
more specific in advocating public action 
to extend medical care and to forestall 
"socialized medicine." 

Henry A. Wallace picked up the Presi- 
dent's "Economic Bill of Rights" and blue- 
printed each of its eight planks in his 
statement to the Senate Commerce Com- 
mittee. He said of medical care: 

"Your federal and state governments have 
just as much responsibility for the health 
of their people as they have for providing 
them with education and police and fire 
protection. . . . We must see that medical 
attention is available to all the people. But 
this health program must be achieved in 
the American way. Every person should 
have the right to go to the doctor and 
hospital of their own choosing. The federal 
and state governments should work hand 
in hand in making health insurance an 
integral part of our social security program 
just as old age and unemployment benefits 
are today. We need more hospitals and 
doctors. We should make sure that such 
facilities are available. . . . We must not be 
content to provide medical attention for 
people after they become sick. . . . The 
government should appropriate needed 
funds to finance . . . medical research in 
private and public institutions." 

The recent "Interim Report" of Senator 
Claude Pepper's Subcommittee on Wartime 
Health and Education presented many of 
the nation's unmet medical needs forcibly: 
"The quality of American medicine at its 
best is very high. Unfortunately, American 
medicine at its best reaches only a rela- 
tively small part of the population." The 
committee's program is very similar to Dr. 
Parran's, except that national health in- 
surance is balanced against voluntary plans, 
the committee not passing judgment. 

Conservative's Progress 

"The Supreme Court follows the election 
returns," said Mr. Dooley long ago. These 
pronouncements of men who must watch 
the trends of popular sentiment confirm 
the opinion polls to the effect that a great 
many Americans now want ways of getting 
good medical care more readily and of pay- 
ing for it more easily. It seems likely, 
however, that a great many Americans 
have not yet decided just what these new 
ways of getting and paying for medical 
care should be. 

How rapidly will public opinion crystal- 
lize on this point? The answer depends 

on the amount of attention that is focused 
on the subject during the next year or two, 
amid the urgent issues of the war, the 
peace, and postwar employment. 

In California, a generation of experience 
with voluntary health insurance has 
brought the issue to a more advanced 
front. Before the legislature had adjourned 
for its regular February recess, three im- 
portant medical bills had been introduced: 
Governor Warren's bill for compulsory 
health insurance; organized labor's bill 
for compulsory health insurance; and the 
California Medical Association's bill for 
state-aided voluntary health insurance. 

The medical conservatives have moved 
forward too. Not long ago, Time remarked 
[Dec. 11, '44, p. 70] that the AMA's pro- 
gram of voluntary group health insurance, 
"according to some critical observers 
brought the organization up to twenty 
years behind the times." Datelines are 
invidious. It was truly an important event 
in the history of medical care in this 
country when about five years ago some 
state medical societies began to sponsor even 
limited health insurance plans. During the 
last two years when statesmen have been 
discovering medical care as a public issue, 
even the munificently financed National 
Physicians Committee which spearheaded 
the drive to kill the 1943 Wagner-Murray- 
Dingell bill has found it necessary to say 
more than just "No." Nowadays it says, 
"No, but." 

Commercial Cash Indemnity Plans 

Look at the other box on page 102, 
quoted from a letter sent last December 
to most doctors in the United States. The 
National Physicians Committee describes it- 
self calmly as "a non-political, non-profit 
organization for maintaining ethical and 
scientific standards and extending medical 
service to all the people." It has the of- 
ficial endorsement of the AMA. 

Observe how the committee shouts a 
forcible "No" to compulsory health insur- 
ance; says "Yes" quietly to five kinds of 
voluntary health insurance; and plugs 
mightily for the last-named kind in which 
insurance companies just pay cash benefits 
for hospitalization and surgery. The com- 
mittee is now trying to enlist all general 
practitioners to help persuade employers to 
give insurance companies a good slice of a 
billion-dollar business and thus assure part 
of surgical and hospital fees while happily 
leaving surgeons still free to charge pa- 
tients what the traffic will bear. 

Appreciate, if you please, where this 
commercial cash indemnity program takes 
us. Insurance companies offer these poli- 
cies only to employed groups. Usually 
there must be at least fifty in a group. 
Employes in small units, the self-employed, 
and the farmers are out. A goal of "fifty 
million workers" is therefore bunk. De- 

MARCH 1945 


pendents of employes are not covered. 
Twenty-five percent of the premium dol- 
lar goes for administrative costs. 

These policies provide neither patient nor 
doctor with incentive for the early, prompt 
treatment of sickness, nor for other forms 
of prevention. "With the growth in the 
powers of medicine to prevent and control 
disease," says the Health Program Con- 
ference Report [see "Health for the Na- 
tion, Survey Graphic, December 1944], 
"a program dealing mainly with serious 
or 'catastrophic' illness is insufficient medi- 
cally and uneconomical financially." 

Fee-for-Service Payment 

From the standpoint of their designers, 
however, the commercial cash indemnity 
plans have the great advantage of mov- 
ing the least possible distance away from 
the traditional mode of individual private 
practice. The health insurance plans now 
sponsored by medical societies go a little 
further, since some of them assure service 
instead of providing just cash indemnity, 
and they are open to families as well as 
to employes. The service, however, is only 
for surgical and obstetrical cases in hos- 
pitals, and the doctors must be paid fees 
according to an established table. Senator 
Pepper's subcommittee is quotable here: 

"Evidence . . . leads the subcommittee to 
conclude that the 'pay-as-you-go' or fee- 
for-service system, which is now the pre- 
dominant method of payment for medical 
services, is not well suited to the needs 
of most people or to the widest possible 
distribution of high quality medical care. 
It tends to keep people away from the doc- 
tor until illness has reached a stage where 
treatment is likely to be prolonged and 
medical bills large. It deters patients from 
seeking services which are sometimes es- 
sential, such as specialist care, laboratory 
and X-ray examinations, and hospitaliza- 
tion. Individuals with low incomes, whose 
need is greatest, are most likely to postpone 

National Health Program of 
General of the U. S. 

"Steps which should be taken toward a 
comprehensive national health program: 

1. We should find the means to finance 
the costs of medical care for every indi- 
vidual through tax-supported programs, 
health insurance, or a combination of both. 

2. Tax funds should be made available 
through grants-in-aid to the states for the 
construction of hospitals and health centers. 

3. To insure adequate numbers of health 
and medical personnel, tax funds should 
be made available for the expansion of 
professional education. 

4. We should provide for the application 
of all the knowledge we have to prevent 
disease through full time public health 
departments in every part of the country 
and the addition of such services as indus- 
trial hygiene, public health nursing, chil- 

Dr. Thomas Parran, Surgeon- 
Public Health Service 

dren's dentistry, mental hygiene, and nutri- 

5. The nation should continue to support 
and encourage both public and private 
research in the medical sciences through 
grants-in-aid to qualified institutions. 

6. We should meet the present deficiencies 
in the nation's sanitary facilities through 
the construction of public water supplies, 
sewerage systems, and the like. 

We cannot attain these goals by talking 
about them. Their attainment must be 
planned for and organized. . . . Any nat- 
ional health plan in a democracy must 
consider all needs; draw upon all resources; 
weigh limitations; accept risks. The vast 
accomplishments of this nation in war have 
taught us that we possess the physical re- 
sources, the brains, and the manpower, 
to attain the purposes of peace . . . through 
the democratic process." 

or forego diagnosis and treatment.' 

These disadvantages are increased when 
fee-for-service payment is carried over into 
an insurance plan. When the doctor is 
paid a fee for each, service whether two 
or three dollars for an office visit or sev- 
eral hundred dollars for a major operation 
and when the fee doesn't come directly 
from the patient but from an insurance 
fund, then all economic barriers are re- 
moved to over-use or misuse of services by 
patients or doctors. Careful record-keeping 
is necessary and, if abuse is to be prevented, 
there must be an amount of professional 
and financial supervision which is costly 
and which is resented by the doctors 
so much so in fact that plans controlled 
by medical societies will not maintain it. 
Furthermore, the fee schedules have usu- 
ally been such that modest calculations 
show if the doctors were kept busy full 

National Health Program of the "National Physicians 
Committee for the Extension of Medical Service" 

"If state medicine is to be avoided; if 
the 'political control' of the distribution of 
medical care is to be prevented; if the 
independence of the medical profession is 
to be preserved, the needs of the people 
must be met. . . . 

"The task is of such size that meeting 
the need will tax to maximum capacity all 
agencies and institutions now providing or 
that can be created to provide measures 
of relief. These include: 

a. Physician-sponsored prepayment med- 
ical care programs; 

b. Blue Cross Hospitalization Plans; 

c. Independent physician groups furn- 
ishing medical service; 

d. Industrial or business concerns pro- 
viding medical care for workers; 

e. Employer-employe Group Insurance 

It is estimated that to meet the actual needs 
total premium payments in excess of one 
billion dollars annually will be entailed. . . . 

"The report, 'Opportunity for Private 
Enterprise' [a 48-page brochure on 'Em- 
ployer-Employe Group Insurance Pro- 
grams'), was not designed for physician 
consumption. It is hoped expected -that 
you will read it; that you will hand it to 
discuss it with an employer who to- 
morrow will be confronted with the 
necessity of finding a solution to the prob- 
lem of the demand on the part of workers 
for a greater degree of security. 

"Intelligent use of the report by 50,000 
physicians will go far toward stimulating 
business institutions to provide adequate 
protection for fifty million workers. . . . 
Your cooperation is needed and is solicited 
to aid in this gigantic task. . . . 

"For the twelve months ending October 
31, 1944: Income (all sources) #263,- 
644.40. Expenditures (current) #223,- 
176.48. Estimated essential minimum ex- 
penditures for continuing the work and 
intensifying efforts during the next twelve 
months will necessitate revenues of 

time treating patients at these rates, their 
incomes would be multiplied two- to four- 

The People's Choice 

In California, this method of payment 
is now a legislative issue. Governor War- 
ren came out for compulsory health in- 
surance in the face of the State Medical 
Society's flat condemnation, but he threw 
a sop to the society by commending the 
fee-for-service method of payment and his 
bill requires it. Perhaps he does not ap- 
preciate the implications of his position on 
this point. Informed persons within the 
state, including medical leaders in the Cal- 
ifornia Physicians Service, know that the 
abuses and the high cost of fee-for-service 
payment would very likely make any state- 
wide plan unworkable. 

The other bill, backed by the AFL and 
the CIO, prescribes the capitation method 
of payment for general practitioners. Under 
capitation, the general practitioner would 
be paid an agreed amount per month or 
year for each person who chooses him as 
regular physician. Specialists would be paid 
on a fee basis. California may thresh out 
its answers soon, in public and private hear- 
ings. Capitation payment is only one par- 
tial answer group practice with salaried 
physicians is another. 

These events go to show that when states- 
men take up health insurance they ought 
to know something of the inside as well as 
of the outside of the issue they are grasping. 

And here the professionals must come in 
again, but which professionals? "Profes- 
sional" here covers both laymen and phys- 
icians; and among physicians it includes 
men and agencies within and without "or- 
ganized medicine." Scan again the two 
boxes, and ask: 

In which box had the American public 
better be? 

And toward which program should the 
medical profession itself head, consistent 
with the ideals which it cherishes and 
which the American people respect? 



Education in a Complex World 



forth intense partisan argument, especially 
on the side of the academicians, but we 
have yet to find a defender of the pro- 
gressive methods who does not wish to 
work with some of the tools the academi- 
cians use. 

On the side of the more reasonable com- 
mentators is Jacques Barzun, associate pro- 
fessor of history at Columbia University. 
His interests also embrace social phe- 
nomena and his spirited essays and articles 
permit the public a glimpse of what agitates 
the schoolmen. This is especially true of his 
new book, "Teacher in America" (Little, 
Brown; $3), a collection of papers on the 
aims, ambitions and anxieties of American 
teachers. It demonstrates how well equipped 
Mr. Barzun is to bridge the gap between 
the public and the teacher and thus carry 
the arguments over methods direct from the 
board room to the rest of us. 

Scientific Knowledge Not Enough 

The bitter debate over education has been 
intensified by the world war. Teachers con- 
sider themselves responsible for the training 
of youth, and in wondering why a reason- 
able world had to resort to killing they 
have blamed themselves; a large group has 
declared that the teaching of moral respon- 
sibility has lapsed. It is reasonable to as- 
sume that human beings were just as mean 
and intractable, in war and in peace, when 
the schools taught little or no science. But 
the attitude of teachers toward their own 
responsibility is not to be criticized on that 

Even Mr. Barzun feels that scientific 
knowledge is not enough, that "the creation 
of a large, powerful, and complacent class 
of college-trained uneducated men at the 
very heart of our industrial and political 
system" is dangerous. He thinks that "one 
of the conditions that made possible the 
present folly in Germany was the split 
among three groups: the technicians, the 
citizens, and the irresponsible rabble." And 
by describing the professional army caste as 
unthinking technicians, so deeply concerned 
with their own work that they will obey 
any group that hires them, he shows how 
the rabble and the technicians can over- 
whelm the citizens. The need, then, is in- 
formed citizens. 

But in a democracy the technicians and 
the citizens overlap and the only remedy 
is to make the men of science as morally 
responsible for what they do as anvone 
else. Mr. Barzun sees the problem clearly 
greater attention to the humanities, in spite 
of our specialized technical training, and 
some form of schooling that will develop 
not merely competent workers and ever"- 

(All boo\s 

lives but leaders of men those who look 
beyond the aims of their own profession to 
the objectives of mankind. 

The Place of the Humanities 

Discussion of these problems can go on 
for weeks, even if only in general terms, 
and when we come to specific courses we 
are in danger of being bogged down com- 
pletely. Mr. Barzun gives us an outline of 
the teacher's dilemma how can the hu- 
manities be introduced in scientific curricula 
and to what good purpose? He puts the 
object of college teaching into a paragraph: 

"What are the broad divisions of thought 
and action in the world? There are three 
and only three: we live in a world saturated 
with science, in a world beset by political 
and economic problems, in a world that 
mirrors its life in literature, philosophy, re- 
ligion, and the fine arts. In all reason, a 
college can but follow this threefold pattern. 
To this extent the problem of 'What shall 
we teach?' is non-existent. This is what we 
must teach." 

Mr. Barzun's discussion of the place of 
the "great books" in education is welcome, 
for he is himself a bookman of fine dis- 
crimination and judgment, familiar with 
the old and the new. The great books have 
become footballs in the academic debate; 
they have been overemphasized as guides to 
life and learning, and social scientists have 
become bewildered by the contention that 
they hold all we need to know. 

Great books in education stem from the 
original course called General Honors Read- 
ings begun by John Erskine at Columbia in 
1919 with a list of fifty-three great classics. 
It drew on the help of eight instructors, 
among whom were Mark Van Doren and 
Mortimer Adler, today among the chief 
spokesmen for the great books curriculum. 
The Erskine course is now called Colloqui- 
um on Great Books and is still taught most 
successfully, with engineers and mathemati- 
cians eager to join in the discussions; and, 
as Mr. Barzun expresses it in his lighter 
vein: "Future doctors seem to favor it 
especially, thinking perhaps that bedside 
books go with the bedside manner." 

The use of the books at Chicago and St. 
John's is a variation, "an overreach, an ex- 
cessive stretching of Erskine's excellent 
scheme," Mr. Barzun says. He adds: "It is 
a return to the practice used when the 
ancient classics served to introduce men to 
their own culture. This is no longer possible 
because modern culture has become special- 
ized and each specialty, even when broadly 
conceived, requires the direct study of its 
current output." To put it concretely, St. 
John's offers six historians Herodotus, 
Thucydides, Plutarch, Tacitus, Vico, and 
ordered through Survey Associates, Inc., will be 

Gibbon. Mr. Barzun knows their value but 
can hardly agree that they will give the 
student "a coherent idea of modern his- 

When Mr. Barzun turns from teachers 
to the public he is puzzled. He sees a 
nation stuffing itself with facts and, while 
our zeal for acquiring and storing facts 
seems to him praiseworthy, he fears that it 
is not used intelligently. The public envies 
men who can cite a lot of facts, but suspects 
men who deal in ideas. He makes a point 
when he says that even our best-selling non- 
fiction books are sometimes little more than 
compilations of newspaper clippings sea- 
soned with backstairs gossip and of that 
it is easy to find evidence. 

Our Passion for Facts 

He says: "Summaries there may be, but 
no principles. For publishing experience 
does show that faced with an idea, no mat- 
ter how simply expressed or illustrated, the 
layman is shocked into resistance. . . . 
Whereas the brain trust was a joke before 
anyone knew the men who belonged to it, 
the country has again and again given itself 
over to factual pedantry with great enthusi- 
asm and no sense of ridicule." 

This leads Mr. Barzun to deal ironically 
with "fact-finding." He criticizes "hundreds 
of study groups and fact-finding commit 
sions, public or private |that] give their 
members in this way the pleasant illusion 
of being practical scholars and social scien- 
tists." Possibly many of these labors do little 
more than place "another layer of paper 
wadding between us and the horrors of 
life." They are fair game for the teacher's 
comment, yet their mutiplication is evidence 
of a serious mood and an earnest intention. 

No doubt there is dead timber in many 
a commission, but the number of partici- 
pants who do this hard work to amuse 
themselves must be few. Perhaps they are 
pseudo-scientific; not all of their members 
are trained investigators. But as the public 
is drawn in, interest in something more 
than mere facts spreads incontestably. 

My father's generation often spoke of the 
well-informed man, meaning a man fam- 
iliar with matters outside his professional 
or business interests. This term has fallen 
into disuse in company with that of the 
self-made man. There are no longer anv 
self-made men because no one is supposed 
to make his way without the benefit of 
schooling. The well-informed man died of 
competition; when all men know every- 
thing no man is wiser than another. 

Thousands now know facts and thous- 
ands of others are deluged by them when- 
ever they turn a dial. It is true that some 
of these relate to war activities, to the ton- 

nage of ships sunk, shells fired and iu 
names of localities that none but a cross- 
word puzzle addict would ever dig out of 
the gazetteer but for the march of armies. 

A great many citizens are so filled with 
facts that they are like those Oliver Wen- 
dell Holmes, the Autocrat, was talking 
about when Mr. Barzun overheard him: 
"The men of facts wait their turn in grim 
silence, with that slight tension about the 
nostrils which the consciousness of carrying 
a settler in the form of a fact or a revolver 
gives the individual thus armed." That 
must have been written nearly a century 
ago, when the habit of absorbing facts was 
by no means as widely spread as now. But 
even then some Americans New Eng- 
landers no doubt enjoyed bragging about 
ship tonnage, distances between cities, and 
population growth. 

Shall we despise this interest in informa- 
tion? It offers more promise of a response 
than the empty mind. It is true that the 
masses do not embrace books of ideas with 
the fervor with which they welcome new 
movies, yet publishers have been known to 
make a fair profit out of such books. If 
ideas are unwelcome, then why do so many 
Americans cling to the fundamental prin- 
ciples of this republic, many of them diffi- 
cult to apply in modern life; why are so 
many familiar with the theories of Karl 

Mr. Barzun, however, is not against in- 
formation or its accumulation; he is inter- 
ested in its proper use and in that, he 
thinks, we fail. We do not think deeply 
about the things we know as facts. We do 
not go behind the stereotypes we accept. 

I do not believe that there is as much 
"mental cowardice" as Mr. Barzun suspects. 
Thinking does require an effort, and most 
of mankind would rather act than think 
the war, after all, is an attempt to settle by 
action what could not be settled by think- 
ing. But the proportion of people stirred 
into thinking by the world's ills must have 
increased tremendously in the dark days 
since 1939. We cannot expect the whole 
public to become expert in this any more 
than Mr. Barzun can expect all students to 
graduate with the highest honors. Let us 
agree with him that our need is leadership, 
and there we come back to the problem 
that he also recognizes in the schools. 

wig von Mises. Yale University Press. #3.75. 

lishment and preservation of the system of 
market economy based on private owner- 
ship of the means of production and free 
enterprise. It aims at free competition and 
at the sovereignty of the consumer. . . . 
True liberals are opposed to all endeavors 
to institute government control for the 
operation of an unhampered market econ- 

Thus Professor von Mises in his preface. 

"All the oratory of the advocates of gov- 
ernment omnipotence cannot annul the 
fact that there is but one system that makes 
for durable peace: a free market economy. 
Government control leads to economic na- 
tionalism and thus results in conflict." 

Thus Professor von Mises in his con- 

In all the pages between, the changes 
are rung on this theme and on its ramifi- 
cations in respect to ideas of nationalism, 
the rise of Nazism, the role of Russia, and 
the future of planning in Western civiliza- 
tion. One gathers that the world is going 
inexorably to the dogs. 

The influences which are rampant are 
all in the wrong direction namely toward 
a more conscious social control of economic 
forces. Something called a "perfect capital- 
ism," albeit "hitherto never and nowhere 
completely tried or achieved," is the only 
assurance of durable peace. 

The publisher says on the jacket of the 
book: "It is probably the most momentous 
and challenging criticism that has been 
made of the current social and economic 
doctrines that threaten democracy every- 
where." Such a judgment seems to me 
somewhat too fulsome, to put it mildly. 

Essentially the book is the product of a 
mind that turns with nostalgia to the for- 
mulas of the past, that puts a low value 
on the capacities of the human self, that 
sees the complexities of the future with 
foreboding and with panic at the challenge 
presented to men's constructive imagination 
by the. creative tasks ahead. 

It is the book of a mind that says: Be- 
cause these problems have not been solved 
by any methods thus far brought forward, 
it is better to approach their solutions in 
terms of old approaches than even to admit 
the possibility that men may be able to 
create better for themselves. It is in this 
sense that the study is at bottom the 
product of a mind tainted with futilitar- 
ianism under the guise of being economic- 
ally realistic. 

Editor of economic booths ORDWAY TEAD 
Harper & Brothers 


by George B. deHuszar. University of 
Chicago Press. #2.50. 

THE SINEWS OF PEACE, by Herbert Feis. 
Harper. #2.50. 

which complement one another, reach be- 
yond the traditional and narrow conception 
of the problem of peace. Together they 
show how many-sided must be the ap- 
proach to the solution of this, the world's 
most urgent and most difficult task. 

"New Perspectives on Peace" is made up 
of eleven chapters each chapter on a 
specific problem by distinguished authori- 
ties in various fields, with an introductory 
summary by the editor entitled "The Prob- 
lems in Perspective." The writers are 
members of the faculty of the University 
of Chicago where their analyses were 
originally delivered as lectures. The geo- 
graphical problem is discussed by Professor 
Colby, the historical by Professor Craven, 
the ethnological by Professor Redfield, the 
economic by Professor Viner, the socio- 
logical by Professor Ogburn, the legal by 
Professor Wright, the educational by Pro- 
fessor Havighurst, the psychological by 

Professor Slight, the philosophic by Pro- 
fessor McKeon, and the religious by Pro- 
fessor Adams. 

The general tone of the book, searchingly 
unconventional, is illustrated by the follow- 
ing sentences from the editor's introduction: 
"The sterility of thinking about peace is 
deplorable. One of the reasons why ade- 
quate methods have not been devised is 
that many of the people who concern them- 
selves with peace lack the necessary back- 
ground for realistic thinking on the subject. 
. . . Even the most effective peace organiza- 
tions do not have a membership sufficiently 
varied in training to cover the problem of 
peace completely. ... In the peace move- 
ment as a whole, there appear very few 
persons with a background in sociology, 
psychology or anthropology. . . . The sec- 
ond reason for the sterility of thinking 
about peace is that it reflects the rudimen- 
tary stage of the study of international 
relations . . . which today resembles politi- 
cal science half a century ago. ... It is 
mostly juristic and historical. ... In order 
to put international relations on a scientific 
basis it is necessary to liberate it from 
juristic influence. . . . We need a systematic 
approach considering the problem of peace 
in its entirety and integrating the various 
aspects of the problem." 

The book is a helpful introduction to 
those who are willing to go beyond their 
habitual thinking about peace and war. 


ity and grace, has given in "The Sinews 
of Peace" a layman's guide through the 
maze of issues which are pressing for de- 
cisions in the field of international economic 
affairs. He enables readers to understand 
better those involved transactions in which 
our citizens and government carry on with 
other peoples and governments financial, 
investment, trade, and the exchange of 
foodstuffs and other raw materials. His 
brief chapters make clearer than I have se 
stated elsewhere the Bretton Woods plar 
for an International Monetary Fund and 
the proposal for an International Inves 
ment Bank. 

Mr. Feis does not write of our economl 
relations with the rest of the world as 
propagandist for any particular view. Oi 
of a lifetime of study and experience unt 
a few months ago he had been for severa 
years adviser on economic affairs in th 
State Department he analyzes and ba 
ances the pros and cons on controversia 
questions. His own conclusions, though 
clearly put, are never dogmatic; rather the 
are invitations to the reader to make up 
his own mind. 

It would be helpful if our public men 
and all of us interested in international 
affairs pondered on Mr. Feis's basic con- 

"The war has demonstrated the great 
strength, vitality, capability, and powers of 
organization of the American people. Great- 
ness in the annals of history and the ranks 
of our fellow nations has come upon us. 
We cannot repudiate it. Proudly or reluc- 
tantly it will be our responsibility hereafter 
to lead, to aid and strengthen the good 
and industrious, admonish the trouble- 


I some, cause the quarrelsome to desist, and 
I build firm friendships with all who share 
I our spirit and our hopes for a better world. 
1 Our economic strength must be at the 
I service of this leadership." 

Joanna Carver Colcord. Cornell Maritime 
Press. #2.25. 


I your everyday language got the way it is, 
|i you'll have a wonderful time with Miss 
r Colcord's collection of sea-born words and 

phrases, the salty origin of which has been 
I all but lost in years of land usage. And 
r you'll make some surprising discoveries. 

You'll learn, for example, that when you 
I speak of "the bitter end," meaning the last 
f] extremity, you are using a phrase that 

". . . relates to the end of the ship's cable 

I attached to the windlass-bits. When the 

< anchor had been let out to the bitter end 

I there was nothing more to be done; if 

worse came the cable would part and the 

8 ship drive ashore." 

Miss Colcord's list begins with "A 1," 
a common shore expression that comes 
I from the rating formerly given to British 
I naval vessels and to merchant vessels for 
I insurance purposes. It ends with "Yeo- 
heave-ho, the standard literary spelling of 
those 'unnameable and unearthly howls' 
which sailors emit when singing out on a 
i rope." In between are those "borrowings 
I from sea language" which have currency 
I upon the land, sometimes with sense differ- 
ing completely from their original meaning. 
I But this is not a dictionary of sea terms. 
i It is exactly what its title indicates, a reach- 
ing back to the ancestry of words and 
i phrases that enrich our language. 

Miss Colcord, the daughter of five gen- 
I erations of Maine seafarers, was a "natural" 
i for such a book as this, for to her congenital 
I interest in salt spray is added a gift for 
I the use of words to express clear thought. 
1 She is quick to deny any claim to being 
I a philologist, but she knows words and the 
I color and flavor that time and usage have 
I given them. 

The preparation of "Sea Language . . ." 

was a sort of busman's holiday from Miss 

I Colcord's professional writings which are a 

must in every social work library. She did 

it, she says, as a labor of love, "strictly for 

9 fun." It is fun too for anyone with a 
jj feeling for the color and romance of the 

English language. 
1 Osterville, Mass. GERTRUDE SPRINGER 


(Continued jrom page 94) 

war, Britain will have no choice but to 
adopt some restrictive policies of its own. 

Sir William expresses a strong preference 
for a wide system of multilateral trading 
based on low tariffs, reasonable balance be- 
tween imports and exports, along with do- 
mestic programs for stimulating full em- 
ployment. But if such a system of world 
trade is not immediately practical, he sug- 
gests that Britain enter into a regional 

THE MILE Lyond BJln 

AFTER our soldiers have covered that long mile to Berlin, and 
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Here are some guideposts for that forward mile. 

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Relief and Rehabilitation Abroad 

A Series of Eight Pamphlets 

Edited by Donald S. Howard. "Brings together a fund of factual, detailed 
information about the problems of relief administration. It will be sorely 
needed in the years just ahead." Public Welfare. 

20c each. Set of eight, $1.50 

Technology and Livelihood 

By Mary L. Fledderus and Mary van Kleeck. "This excellent book brings 
together in one volume some of the most pertinent facts about our industrial 
economy." Political Science Quarterly. $1.25 

Your Community 

By Joanna C. Colcord. "A guide for community study, a sound compre- 
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reference for day-to-day problems." Survey. $1.00 

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system of trade relations with such coun- 
tries as are willing to encourage trade on 
this basis. 

A third, but much less satisfactory, pos- 
sibility would be a system of bilateral agree- 
ments with the countries that wanted to 
trade with Britain. This plan to his mind 
would result in much less trade and would 
necessarily hold British living standards to 
a relatively low level. 

Beveridge's feeling of concern as to the 
United States is, of course, well grounded. 
His program for full employment stands 
in direct contradiction to the postwar pro- 
gram outlined for this country by the Sen- 
ate postwar committee and the similar pro- 
posals advanced by numerous business 
groups in this country. Instead of expand- 
ing "outlay," these proposals invariably call 
for a sharp cut in government spending, a 
balanced budget, debt reduction, and a re- 
duction in the taxes on the well-to-do, so 
as to encourage private enterprise. Sir Wil- 
liam shows that these orthodox measures 
have never provided even an approximation 
of full employment in peacetime, and if 
persisted in can only lead to profound so- 
cial and economic dislocation involving, in 
all likelihood, a loss of essential democratic 

"Better than the Dictators ..." 

On the other hand, Sir William's own 
full employment "policy" is based on un- 
assailable economic principles. The theor- 
etical groundwork for these principles was 
laid in 1936 by J. M. Keynes in "The Gen- 
eral Theory of Employment, Interest and 
Money." This analysis is now accepted by 
practically all competent economists. Bev- 
eridge's own contribution is, however, fully 
as important as that of Keynes; for he has 
shown in detail how the Keynes principles 
may be applied to solve our most perplex- 
ing and costly economic problem. It is a 
program which, though details will differ, 
could be adapted to the United States with- 
out fundamental changes. In fact, Bever- 
idge's constant use of American illustrations 
indicates that he was constantly thinking of 
their possible application in this country. 

In several ways, however, it would be 
more difficult to carry out a full employ- 
ment program in this country than in Eng- 
land. Beveridge implies as much when 
he says that Britain has a chance of show- 
ing, sooner and more easily than any other 
large nation, that democracy can order peace 
as well as war better than the dictators do. 
But although the difficulties are greater 
here, the stakes are immeasurably higher. 
Indeed, as Sir William sees it, the good of 
the whole world, no less than our own well 
being and that of Britain, depends very 
largely on the policies adopted by the 
United States. 

"Depression," he declares, "is contagious 
in proportion to the size and strength of 
the national economic system from which 
it comes. Today the strongest and most 
productive national economy in the world 
:that of the United States is also the least 
stable. The adoption of a policy of full 
employment by the United States would 
be the most important economic advance 
that could happen in the whole world and 

to the benefit of the whole world. In solv- 
ing, as they only and only in their own 
way can solve, the 'baffling problems' of 
their home economy, more than by the most 
generous outpouring of gifts and loans, the 
American people can confer immeasurable 
benefits on all mankind." 

The President's recent budget message 
indicated that the Administration, at least, 
is alive to our own situation. But con- 
structive action will depend on informed 
support from every forward-looking citi- 
zen in the country. A wide reading of 
this remarkable book should help im- 
mensely in girding American public opin- 
ion to act and that soon on the great 
choices he sets before us. For on those 
choices hangs much of our own future, 
and the fortunes of everyday people every- 


(Continued from page 92) 

do is to distinguish 10,000. The guess- 
work in matching colors is swept away. If 
you want to catch a thief in the act of 
cracking a safe the photoelectric cell will 
do it. In fact, it will detect anything that 
involves the reflection or the interception 
of a beam of light. 

It is not too romantic to imagine the 
photoelectric cell imparting a new safety 
to automobile driving. The cell has only 
to follow a white line on the road. Take 
your hands off the wheel and if the car 
swerves ever so little from the line the cell 
will start a correcting motor and bring 
you back. Other cells along the road will 
report the speed of passing cars to the 
police or to the drivers themselves. 

Electrons Displace Men 

How many man-hours have been saved 
in war production by the 2,000 different 
types of electron tubes so far devised? 
There are no statistics. It has been estimat- 
ed that before the war, when the tubes 
were few, the saving amounted to at least 
1,750,000 man-hours annually a mere 
guess. Since then, electron tubes have 
multiplied, and hundreds of factories have 
installed whole batteries of them. This 
matter of man-hours saved is of consider- 
-able importance because of the Administra- 
tion's announced intention of making the 
most of our huge industrial capacity after 
the war and of thus solving a problem 
of unemployment which must be faced. 
Jobs for sixty million men and women 
"57,000,000 is Henry Wallace's rockbottom 
figure must be found. Yet here is this 
Aladdin's wonderful lamp, this electron 
tube which does the work of analytical 
chemists and bookkeepers, which does 
away with hands, eyes and ears, which, in 
a factory, watches over anything that 
moves. It is true that the electron tubes 
must be made by men and women and 
made by the million, true that we shall 
need more radio and television sets than we 
did, true that there will be a demand for 
new skills. But it is also true that in some 
industries there will be a displacement of 
workers because of the electron tube's ex- 

traordinary virtuosity and versatility. 

Probably the history of every revolution- 
ary invention will be repeated. What that 
history is we have seen in the case of the 
automobile. The carriage maker had to be- 
come an automobile body maker. Wayside 
filling stations and tourist camps sprang up. 
Windshield wipers and headlights had to 
be designed and produced. Around the 
automobile industry cluster a hundred 
satellite vocations. All this is the conse 
quence of what Ravenshear, an English 
economist of the last century, called "origi- 
native invention." But originative invention 
is inevitably followed by intensive inven- 
tion, meaning the kind of invention that 
reduces man-hours. Thus the telephone long 
gave employment to thousands of switch- 
board girls. When the dial system of call- 
ing a telephone number was introduced (an 
intensive invention), the girls disappeared 
The electron tube is such an intensive in- 
vention. To produce it, thousands of ne 
jobs will be created. But introduce it in 
the factory and there will be less need of 
much highly paid skilled labor. No one can 
predict the outcome, but it is certain that 
the effect cannot be ignored in solving the 
problem of keeping 60,000,000 employed. 

Engineers are aware of the issue. They 
are actually alarmed at the electron tube's 
potentialities. When they are asked to de- 
sign a new tube to perform a seemingly 
impossible task, they shake their heads, say 
"It can't be done" and then proceed to do 
it. Electronics has become a synonym of 
industrial magic. The steam-engine, auto- 
matic machinery, trench-diggers, ore-un- 
loaders, machines that cut, wrap, fold, 
brought about technological changes with 
which we have not yet learned to cope. 
And now comes the electron tube which 
totally eclipses any invention that leaped 
from the brain of the inventor. It seems as 
if Aladdin's wonderful lamp can be almost 
too wonderful. 


(Continued from page 98) 

This lack of a unifying thesis in economic 
matters explains much bickering on "the 
home front." It sheds light on seemingly 
contradictory public action, on over-lapping 
in governmental agencies; and on the 
blurred line between what we need for a 
period of crisis and what we need for "all 
time." Moreover, current discussion as to 
"streamlining" Congress overlooks too often 
that "reorganization" can be approached 
fruitfully only through prior clarification. 
An articulation of policies and goals would 
open the way for improved functioning by 
the Congress as a policy-making body and 
for the most satisfactory division of labor 
with the Chief Executive. 

Thus the Full Employment Bill, as now 
drawn, provides for the initial development 
of the National Production and Employ- 
ment Budget by the President and its sub- 
mission to a Congressional Joint Committee 
for subsequent review and action. In view I 
of the scope of the undertaking and the I 
prime desirability of evoking maximum ac- 


cord in testing it out, thought might be 
given to placing the initial development of 
the budget in the hands of an American 
Economic Committee, constituted by law 
and containing representation from both 
Cabinet and Congress, with a permanent 
staff supplemented by a rotating staff drawn 
from the departments concerned. 

Such a plan would offer interesting pos- 
sibilities for adjusting the principle of sep- 
arating legislative, judicial, and executive 
powers, as written into the Constitution, 
to the increasing interplay and overlapping 
of congressional and Presidential functions 
in matters of high policy. Partial support 
for this idea can be found in a recent rec- 
ommendation by the "Committee on Con- 
gress" of the American Political Science 
Association that the Congress establish a 
permanent and formal liaison with the 
White House. 

If an American Economic Committee of 
this type were established, it might well in- 
clude, also, members appointed by the 
President to represent industry, agriculture, 
labor, and consumers. The preparation of 
a National Production and Employment 
Budget necessarily involves what free enter- 
prise is going to do no less than what the 
government is going to do. Its very essence 
is an appraisal of inter-action between the 
two. Its very spirit is accord. It needs to be 
initiated in an atmosphere of maximum 
cooperation and "give and take." For this 
reason, to bring non-governmental repre- 
sentatives more explicitly into such a flex- 
ible process seems more important than to 
preserve rigid concepts as to the govern- 
mental structure. 

It can be argued that part of the rea- 
son why pressure groups have been so un- 
conscionably at one another's throats, why 
their specialized objectives often seem so 
far abstracted from the common good, is 
that they so seldom sense that good as a 
common goal, or have had any chance to 
participate in a general drive to attain it. 

The Challenge of 60 Million Jobs 

More unity arising from more common 
knowledge is the essence of the Full Em- 
ployment Bill. The measure is founded up- 
on the proposition that nothing is worse 
than to contribute to the confusion of the 
people at large or to make more difficult 
their lines of communication when major 
decisions in national policy are under way. 

A National Production and Employment 
Budget would set objectives each year based 
on realities, in terms understandable to 
everybody, and related to our common 
undertakings as a nation. If it did no more 
than that, it would bring into our public 
affairs a clarity, a wholesomeness and a dig- 
nity that would strengthen immeasurably 
our free institutions in the years ahead. 

But the Full Employment Bill is founded, 
also, on another proposition that our 
American way of life and livelihood, with 
all its admitted imperfections, is a good one. 
We are committed to it by our history and 
our ideas and committed by the same 
token to remedy our imperfections as we 
go along. Such a course is consistent with 
our essential practicality and inventiveness 
as a people, with our emphasis on individ- 


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Copyright 1945 Newspaper Institute of America 

(In answering advertisements f lease mention SUKVET GRAPHIC) 



By Joanna Carver Colcord 
Contributing editor to Survey Graphic 

A distinguished social worker and author, 
Joanna Carver Colcord, makes a noteworthy 
addition to the literary heritage of America. 
Descendant of five generations of seafarers, 
Miss Colcord has compiled over a thousand 
nautical expressions which have been "washed 
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authoritative collection hailed by the critics. 

"fascinating, remarkable" CARL VAN DOREN 

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ual enterprise and our adventuresome 

The human materials with which we 
have to deal are mostly men of good will, 
who know the dangers we all face unless 
we devise more rational ways to get rid of 
mass unemployment, and who know 
equally well the benefits we can all look 
for if we do. The task before us is to 
gather up tools in our American kit which 
have stood us in good stead in other great 
tasks and emergencies, check them against 
accomplishment, and improve and align 
them systematically for use in meeting the 
great test of the postwar era. 


(Continued from page 88) 

an American. This committee was formed 
at the conference on political refugees held 
at Evian (France) in July of 1938. It now 
has a membership of thirty-six governments 
Britain, Soviet Russia, and the U.S.A. 
among them. It includes both countries of 
immigration and of emigration. It has 
recognized its function to care for the 
needs of refugees and to do what it can to 
better their legal status in transit. Its officers 
have wide experience in this phase of its 
duties; but it will require greatly expanded 
resources and staff, and enhanced powers, 
if it is to shoulder such a long-run task. 

Meanwhile, the United Nations Relief 
and Rehabilitation Administration has a 
great part to play in giving relief to refu- 
gees in the countries in which it operates. 
The agreement creating UNRRA calls for 
fair treatment without regard to race, re- 
ligion, or political belief of those it finds 
there. The limitation of its franchise is that 
UNRRA can do only special work in enemy 
countries and that it cannot help enemy citi- 
zens other than those who have been per- 
secuted for race or religion, or because of 
their activities on behalf of the United 
Nations. In Poland, for example, UNRRA 
is permitted to succor persons from enemy 
or ex-enemy countries and to repatriate 
those who wish to return home. In Ger- 
many and Italy, it is authorized to care for 
and repatriate United Nations nationals, 
stateless persons and those enemy nationals 
who qualify as above. Western European 
countries are reported to intend to carry on 
their own relief activities without the aid 
of UNRRA, and in them the IGC will be 
the appropriate authority to urge the cause 
of the refugees. 

This looks like a promising structure of 
governmental relief, but the international 
agencies concerned have declared that they 
by no means supplant the need for volun- 
tary effort. The sums UNRRA has been 


granted will be far short of the need for 
relief, and there are many special services 
which the flexible private agencies can per- 
form more deftly and quickly than public 
international authorities. Especially is this 
true in the care of refugees, a field in which 
private agencies have specialized. Their ex- 
perienced counsel and help is counted on 
and they are now cooperating actively with 
both IGC and UNRRA. 
answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC) 

Driven and pushed about Europe as they 
have been, many refugees have been sep- 
arated from their families. This is true of 
other "displaced persons" and often their 
whereabouts are unknown to their relatives 
and friends throughout the world. Plans are 
on foot to install machinery to help them 
make fresh contacts. Among the partici- 
pating agencies are UNRRA, the Inter- 
Governmental Committee, the International 
Red Cross and here, in the United States, 
a group of organizations actively concerned 
with the problems of refugees. 

There is a special committee on refugees, 
also, set up by the American Council of 
Voluntary Agencies for Foreign Relief. 
Some fifty in number, the council was or- 
ganized two years ago to coordinate their 
own activities and cooperate with public 
international bodies. 

Here, in America, the President had set 
up two such bodies. An Advisory Commit- 
tee on Political Refugees, James G. McDon- 
ald, chairman, has been helpful in assisting 
fugitives in getting out of Europe., The 
War Refugee Board is made up of four 
members of the Cabinet (State, War, 
Treasury, and the Attorney General). Un- 
der John W. Pehle as executive director, 
great energy and devotion were thrown into 
tasks of rescue and relief among refugees 
in Hitler-held territory. 

Why Not Naturalization? 

In each country in which they are found, 
there is an effective alternative to passin 
along unsettled refugees and stateless per- 
sons. That is to accept them as citizens and 
give them permanent status. Their num- 
bers in a given country may not be great 
and to accord them this privilege would at 
once add to the forces for domestic revival 
and lessen the difficulties in solving a wide- 
spread and prickly problem. 

The refugee entering Palestine, is in- 
corporated into Palestinian society. 

Here, in the United States, the refugee 
who has come with quota visa for per- 
manent residence is better off than he 
would be in most other countries. Under 
our law, he has the right to live here, 
travel, and to work at most occupation 
(certain professions excepted). He can b 
deported only for causes set forth in th 
statute. After the prescribed period, in most 
cases five years, he can become a citizen if 
the authorities are convinced that he is 
loyal to the Constitution and of good re- 

Refugees who enter the USA on tem- 
porary visas do not have such security. 
They are entitled to remain only during 
the time fixed in their visas plus any ex- 
tension granted by the authorities. The 
privilege of working is not automatic but is 
granted by a general or special order. And 
the temporary visitor may not become a 

Naturalization is not a right in other 
countries but is a matter of favor and, in 
fact, is not frequently accorded. Save for 
the few who do become naturalized, refu- 
gees resident in European countries have 
no rights to remain or to work except under 
special legislation or regulation. Many refu- 
gees from Russia and Turkey in Worl * 





Full Employment 
in a Free Society 


The author of the famous 
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War I have lived for twenty years and more 
in western Europe but are still stateless. 
Many have children, citizens by virtue of 
birth in the new country, who are soldiers 
in its army. Others, without so strong a 
claim for friendly acceptance, have never- 
theless taken part for many years in the 
social and economic life about them. It 
would seem reasonable for their countries 
of residence to grant them the opportunity 
for citizenship now and thus, in this time 
of revived hopes and plans, establish them 
in a legally permanent home. 

Refugees from Germany before and dur- 
ing World War II are new claimants on the 
consideration of countries with whom they 
have thrown in their lot. They were the 
first victims of the Hitler machine which 
has pressed so hard on the life of all the 
peoples of Europe. They have been through 
the war and have contributed to the war 
effort and should have the same privilege of 
citizenship granted them. 

Such a creative solution when the war 
ends would be a boon for refugees living 
in western Europe, in the United States, 
or other overseas countries. 

Many German and Austrian refugees, 
who had come to France and other parts 
of the continent before the war, were up- 
rooted a second time by the Nazi blitz, and 
they were shipped to Germany for forced 
labor or to Polish concentration camps. It 
may be hoped that western European gov- 
ernments will permit those who have sur- 
vived to return to their adopted homes in 
which many of them lived and worked for 
years. Their desirability could readily be 
gauged by testimony from the community 
which had harbored them. 

Postwar Migration 

World conditions will, of course, affect 
the possibilities for settlement of refugees 
in new countries where they can hope to 
make a fresh start in life. They will be part 
and not the largest part of the people 
who will be seeking such opportunities 
away from their homelands. If employ- 
ment is good in their countries of destina- 
tion, if there is a demand for workers in 
industry or on the land, the tendency to 
restrict immigration, so strong in the pre- 
war years, may lessen. The problem then 
will become not one of refusing entry but 
of choosing which immigrants a country 
wants. The principle of selective immigra- 
tion can be applied. 

In this field the Intergovernmental Com- 
mittee is charged to facilitate the migra- 
tion of refugees, to find opportunities for 
them, and to establish them in a country 
where they can make permanent homes. 
This, again, is a task requiring forceful 
energy and great tact, for success depends 
on the good will and active support of 
governments concerned. 

In Europe, there will be a great demand 
for workers to rebuild homes and industries 
and to take part in agricultural production. 
Aside from demanding German work bat- 
talions, the Soviets want to get all citizens 
home, including potential ones from the 
lands united to the Union since World War 
TI began. France will probably want to 

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bring in laborers to help rebuild the country 
and may need them to expand its industries. 

Furthermore, the loss of population in 
battle and bombardment, by illness and pri- 
vation, has been heavy in all the countries 
of the continent. There is less likelihood 
of emigration from them by those who can- 
not find work at home than by those who 
want to go abroad to mend their fortunes 
or to find better opportunities or a freer 

If the much discussed industrial develop- 
ment materializes in the Western Hem- 
isphere and the British Dominions, there 
will be a wide call for hands, especially for 
skilled workers and good industrial man- 
agers. If among the refugees there prove 
to be peasants or workmen from parts of 
the Soviet Union, or their kind from the 
Baltic countries, or Poles or Yugoslavs of 
the same type, they will doubtless be drawn 
into this migration. 

But ' the chances will be different for 
tradespeople and intellectuals. For a decade 
past, meager foreign opportunities have 
been open to such. The case of older people 
is similar. They will not be welcomed by 
countries in the market for immigrants who 
can work in industry or on farms. There 
are many groups with these handicaps 
among the refugees. Some of them have 
relatives or friends in foreign countries 
who will be glad to care for them; others 
can be provided for by private organizations 
so that they will not become a burden on 
the public welfare funds. 

Doors should be kept open for such 

fugitives from war and fascism. Countries 
which have not been invaded by land or sea 
or air, can and should share in helping to 
make their postwar settlement easier, the 
fate of sufferers from the devastation over 
Europe less hard. 

Perhaps the worst hit of all Europeans, 
especially in the East, are the Jewish refu- 
gees. Palestine should be enabled to offer 
opportunity for them for those broken by 
suffering and illness and for the old, as well 
as for the workers with hand and brain 
who can give so much to the development 
of the expanding economic and cultural 
life of the Jewish "Homeland." 

Palestine can play a new role if it is 
permitted to help give an adequate answer 
to the problem of the Jewish refugee. It is 
to be hoped that with improved economic 
and political conditions in eastern Europe 
there will be fewer refugees from there. 
But if this betterment does not materialize, 
Palestine will be important not only as a 
haven for individuals seeking refuge but 
as a help in restoring order and peace to 

The Internally Displaced 

Wartime displacement is not limited to 
those who cross national boundaries. There 
has been a great churning inside the coun- 
tries of Europe among people dislodged 
from old localities. Their numbers, too, have 
been estimated at ten million; but they do 
not fall within the scope of this article. They 
are of international concern, nevertheless, 
because they constitute a great humanitari- 

an problem and because the nations united 
in fighting the Axis decided and declared 
in the UNRRA Agreement that they would 
aid one another in repairing the wounds of 

Those who are thus internally displaced 
remain under the control and protection of 
their own national government. It has the 
responsibility for relieving their needs and 
returning them to their homes or resettling 
them elsewhere within its borders. But it 
is open to any government to request help 
from UNRRA in meeting these responsi- 
bilities and the Director General may ap- 
portion part of his supplies to that end. 

The Nazi invasion of Russia and transfer 
of industry to the East by the USSR 
shifted vast populations across two conti- 
nents. On a lesser scale but for similar 
reasons, millions of people have been going 
from place to place within the boundaries 
of their own countries. 

This is notably true in China. It is said 
that 30,000,000 Chinese have fled to the 
West from the thickly settled eastern prov- 
inces. Many will settle there for keeps, 
American fashion. Nonetheless, the cost of 
providing for the return of others, for food 
during the process, for restoring farms and 
rebuilding wrecked communities will 
mount into enormous figures. UNRRA can 
do no more than help from its limited funds 
and give the Chinese authorities the counsel 
of its personnel to be considered in the 
light of Chinese conditions. 

A specific refugee problem is presented, 
however, by some 20,000 fugitives from 


In The March Issue 

Bertram D. Wolfe 


Aaron Levenstein 


Owen Lattimore 


I. Raymond Walsh 


Don Wharton 


Leila Sussmann 


A Special 10 Months Offer for $2.00 

(regular price $2.50 per year) 

My Name 

Address Zone Stare 

Send to Common Sense 10 East 49th St., N. Y, IT 

A MAGAZINE, like a book or a bridge, must be planned. 
Common Sense is a planned magazine. It is a piece of 
editorial engineering, each monthly issue designed to give 
the progressive-minded reader a rounded picture of the 
political and social world. 

(In answering advertisements please 


Plus These Regular Features 

An Analysis of Radio Print and Film in their 
manipulation of Public Opinion edited by 
Milton D. Stewart 


Coordinating the Current Events that Shape 
the Postwar World 


The Long View on the Month's Turning 


Uncensored Opinion From Men in Uniform 


A Digest of Significant Thought 
PLUS A Column by Stuart Chase Every Month 


Germany and eastern Europe, mostly Jew- 
ish, who were caught in China by the war. 
They had expected to go on to other coun- 
tries; very few of them can establish them- 
selves in China; and they will seek settle- 
ment elsewhere. 

Collective Concern 

No canvass of the refugee situation can 
give an adequate picture of the human 
wretchedness and despair which forms its 
background. Among the multitudes who 
have suffered in this war, the refugee 
stands out because, as we have seen, he 
has no national home to which he can 
go, no government whose duty it is to 
concern itself with his fate. What be- 
comes of him, then, is a matter for all 
the nations and, as the adage has it, 
what is the concern of all always runs 
the risk of being the concern of none. 

Plans with joint government backing 
have been prepared. Earnest and vigor- 
ous efforts have been put forth by those 
charged with carrying them out. But up 
to now, it cannot be said that the gov- 
ernments of the United Nations have felt 
strongly enough their duty to throw pro- 
tection over the stateless and the refugee, 
or that they as yet recognize that this 
is a genuinely international question which 
requires each government to do its part 
at home to bring about the realization of 
plans made in common. 

A silver lining to this situation has 
been the spirit and efficiency of volun- 
tary organizations which have given free- 
ly of effort and money to succor the refu- 
gees. From the end of the last war to 
the present, they have gathered funds, or- 
ganized relief, urged public action. 

Such work has been most effective when 
those who espouse it have united in 
agencies with experienced personnel and 
definite programs. Among them can be 
cited the American Friends Service Com- 
mittee, the American Jewish Joint Dis- 
tribution Committee, the American Red 
Cross, committees of the Christian churches, 
Hadassah, the Hebrew Immigrant Aid So- 
ciety, the International Migration Service, 
the Zionist Organization of America, and 
war relief bodies. Their funds have often 
been inadequate for the job to be done, but 
many of them have had the permanence 
which permits better use of resources 
through long term planning. They have 
shown prowess in breaking fresh ground 
and they have demonstrated standards in 
their treatment of the refugees that prove 
the value of strong private agencies as 
implements of our international society. 

Nothing will so enhance the success of 
their activity as an aroused public concern 
for these victims of war and fascism who 
have become men, women, and children 
without a country. 

On the other hand, without government 
aid and government action, both in Europe 
and overseas, the situation cannot be met. 
And again that outcome hangs on an ar- 
ticulate popular demand. American and 
British leadership by citizens and gov- 
ernments alike can set the pace in this 
new epoch of transcendent need. 




As a newspaperman and radio representative, born and 
educated in Europe, intimate of those who made the 
news on the continent, Max Jordan was able to get above 
and below, behind and beyond the events of the past 
twenty years. His report of those occurrences is one of 
the most significant, hopeful books of the war. $3.00 


By Paul Hanly Furfey 

A probing of the mystery of iniquity which looks beyond the obvious, 
natural causes of sin, to its very source, that creature of many masks, 
Satan himself, from whom stems all the ills, chaos, and calamities with 
which society is today burdened. $2.00 


By Michael de la Bedoyere 

A fundamental diagnosis of the reason why Christianity is apparently 
failing in the present crisis and an eloquent plea for bringing Christianity 
back into the home, the school, the parish, and the market-place. $2.00 

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Don't you believe it when they gesture weakly and resignedly 
declare: "But we can't do anything about it!" 

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Nobody but ourselves can be rightfully blamed if peace brings panic, and the war's end 

only marks a new depression's beginning. 
Words alone will accomplish nothing. Action must be taken. But what action? When 

and how? These are questions we must answer first. Prepare yourself now to 

answer them wisely. Let us all study them together. 

ACTION for Human Welfare 

provides the medium wherein we can all exchange views, express opinions, learn 
from one another. Many are already doing this. A newcomer wrote us: "Courage 
and truthfulness such as yours is like 'life-giving water in a thirsty land.' May the 
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Six wonderful issues, containing the entire series, which ended in the February number, 
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1944 Yearbook and Proceedings of the A.A.S.C.W. 
Edited by Saul Bernstein 

Deals with major postwar responsibilities and opportuni- 
ties that Kroup workers fare. Several articles define the 
training and duties of leaders; others describe the youth 
situation In Canada and Great Britain. Contributors in- 
clude Harleish Trecher, Lucy Camer L. K. Hall, Dorothea 
Sullivan. R. B. G. Davis, et al. 75c 

347 Madison Ava. ASSOCIATION PRESS New York I7.N.Y. 


shows the part which professional nurses take in 
the betterment of the world. Put it in your 
library. $3.00 a year. 1790 Broadway at 58 St., 
New York, N. Y. 


for free circular giving terms. Haldeman-Julius 
Company, Box P-1003, Girard, Kansas. 


SPECIAL articles, theses, speeches, papers. Re- 
search, revision, bibliographies, etc. Over twenty 
years' experience serving busy professional per- 
sons. Prompt service extended. AUTHORS 
RESEARCH BUREAU, 516 Fifth Avenue, New 
York, N. Y. 

TURES, Club Papers, professionally prepared. 
Criticism, rewriting, plotting, ghostwriting of 
book-length manuscripts, short-stories, feature ar- 
ticles. Testimonials galore. Printed Lectures. 
Sermons and Outlines also furnished. FT*EE 
Circular. Dept. "S," Continental Writers' & 
Speakers' Bureau, 210 Fifth Ave., New York. 

HELEN GUILES, Literary Agent. Short stories, 
current articles, book manuscripts and poetry ex- 
pertly criticised and marketed. 131 West 69th 
Street, New York City. 

MANUSCRIPT TYPING, also Stenotype Report- 
ing, Mimeographing. Prompt, efficient service; 
reasonable rates. ROLEN REPORTERS. 351 
Pennsylvania Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y. Dickens 

RESEARCH: Congressional Library, Government 
Bureaus^, etc. Questions, literary or scientific in- 
vestigations, genealogy, business errands, attended 
by experts. Valuable circular, lOc. Crehore, Box 
2329-G, Washington 13. D. C. 

offered by the University of Oklahoma (under the 
supervision of Prof. W. S. Campbell, 'Stanley 
Vestal') sounds so efficient and intelligent, 
whether taken in person or by correspondence, 
that we are tempted to refer to it many appli- 
cants who wish that kind of information and 
training." The Saturday Review of Literature 
(May 13. 1939 page 21). For particulars write 
STANLEY VESTAL, University of Oklahoma, 
Nnrman. Oklahoma. 


PHOTOGRAPHS, SNAPSHOTS skillfully copied, 
restored. Preserve precious family photographs 
and valuable papers. Inexpensive. Estimate and 
detailed information on request. Joseph Bolger, 
282 Maples Avenue, Oradell, New Jersey. 


Makes. Booklet G. LANGUAGE SERVICE, 18 
East 41st St., New York 17, N. Y. 

Spanish, Portuguese Direct conversational 
method for mastering any language quickly, 
easily, correctly at home. Send for FREE book. 
New York 20. CI 7-0830. 

RUSSIAN, PORTUGUESE, Other Phonograph 
Courses. New, Used. French new $15; Spanish. 
52 lessons new $25. A. Alin, 475 Fifth Avenue. 
New York 17. 



For 1112 Languages. Catalan Free 

Schaenhof's, Box 6. Harvard Square, 

Cambridge. Massachusetts 



finest restaurants. Send $1 for trial 2 Ibs. ol 
this superb coffee. Specify grind. Richard H. 
Toeplitz, Suite 205, 342 Madison Avenue, New 
York 17, N. Y. 

SPECIAL WORKER in Jewish multiple service 
case work agency to carry selected case load and 
assume special responsibilities involving community 
organization and interpretation. Salary range 
$2400 to $3500. 7986 Survey. 


CASE WORK SUPERVISOR trained and experi- 
enced to work in private child placing agency in 
Ohio. Salary $3000. 8119 Survey. 

FREE CATALOG, showing several hundred beau- 
tiful designs. 
ANTIOCH BOOKPLATES, Box 218, Yellow Springs, Ohio 

PROFESSIONALLY trained and experienced so- 
cial worker for director of expanding agency pro- 
viding foster home care for 150 children in key 
southern city. State qualifications. 8116 Survey. 


CASE WORKER In Midwest Metropolitan Jewish 
Family Service Agency to specialize in work 
with male delinquents including service in correc- 
tional institutions. Opportunity for participation 
in agency and community planning in this field. 
8117 Survey. 

SEND a dollar bill for genuine "Powhatan" hand- 
made Indian clay smoking pipe, replica famous 
original Virginia antique, two long stems, his- 
toric booklet, directions, enjoyment, and care. 
Rustic container, postage prepaid. PAMPLIN 
PIPE CO., Richmond, Virginia. 

CASE WORKERS 2 -professionally qualified who 
would be interested in working in Midwestern 
Jewish Family Agency. Excellent supervision, 
salary and working conditions. 8118 Survey. 


AGENCY, 64 West 48th Street, New 
York. Wise. 7-4961. A professional 
bureau specializing in fund-raising, group 
work, institutional, casework and med- 
ical social work positions. 

WANTED: A couple for resident position Boys 
Dormitory. Must be able to supervise school 
work, recreational activities, direct the conduct 
of the boys. There are housekeeping duties en- 
tailed. For full details write to Superintendent, 
Friendship House, 2080 Adams Avenue, Scran- 
ton 9, Pa. 

COUNSELORS: Men and women for Pennsylvania 
camp run by Settlement House. Boys camp in 
July, girls camp in August. Counselors may 
work in summer town program and live at Set- 
tlement during other month. Opportunity for stu- 
dents interested in social work. 8113 Survey. 


case work supervisor. Professional training se- 
cured at University of Denver and University ol 
Chicago. Experienced in Child and Family Wel- 
fare in fourteen States. Now Director of Social 
Service in a Washington State Institution. Ad- 
dress Box 184, Buckley, Washington. 

CAMP DIRECTOR: Experienced man or woman 
to direct camp in Pennsylvania run by a Settle- 
ment House. Important coordination of group 
work principles effected through winter program. 
Prefer trained group worker with administrative 
ability. 8114 Survey. 

YOUNG WOMAN desires group work with chil 
dren in community center, settlement house or 
other progressive agency. 8120 Survey. 

CASE WORKER with training and experience for 
position with child placing agency in mid-west to 
be responsible for foster day care program and 
general foster home finding. Salary $2,220. 8115 

EX-SOCIAL WORKER, trained and experienced 
in children's work and with a semester in insti- 

work. Small well-integrated agency preferred. 
8112 Survey. 

EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR for community center 
in suburb of Detroit. Generously supported by all 
civic units in area of 15,000 population. Physical 
facilities represent $125,000 investment with wide 
range of service. Permanent position with excep- 
tional opportunities. A very minimum of family 
case work involved. Salary to start $3,500 or 
more, if qualified. 8110 Survey. 

MATURE WOMAN, skilled in case work treat- 
ment, background supervision and executive work 
(psychiatric), seeks right job probably new ven- 
ture with strong board. Perhaps specialized 
case load and some supervision. With jobs plen- 
tiful, will look to pleasing climate. East of 
Mississippi preferred. 8102 Survey. 

MATRON WANTED: Institutional experience in 
a Home for aged Jewish men and women. Please 
respond with details of past experience. Jewish 
Home for the Aged, 325 South Boyle Avenue, 
Los Angeles 33, Calif. 

WOMAN, PH.D. Political Science and Economics, 
experienced research worker is interested in po- 
sition in college or private social agency. 8109 

CASEWORKERS, Family Agency under Protestant 
auspices. Middle West. Small specialized case 
load. Salary range $1700 to $2400. State quali- 
fications. 8108 Survey. 

CAMP SEASON, Jewish Woman, 12 years. House- 
keeper, Dietitian, Assistant Superintendent Chil- 
dren's Institutions, desires camp privileges for 
daughter 10, son 8, for services plus reasonable 
monetary remuneration. 8107 Survey. 

CATHOLIC CHARITIES an integrated Family 
and Child Care Case Work Agency in need of 
a trainee and experienced case worker. Good 
salary. Challenging opportunity. Apply Catholic 
Charities, 418 North 25th Street, Omaha 2, 


wishes position Jewish Institution. 8111 Survey. 

WANTED: Position in welfare institution ot 
agency by experienced woman executive with 
Master's Degree in Personnel and Social Sciences. 
Seventeen years experience with group work 
agency in large city. 8103 Survey. 

COUPLE, Dutchess County Boarding School, 
woman supervise cottage 30 boys, no cooking, 
cleaning, washing; man help with cottage and 
supervise athletics. Good salary, furnished apart- 
ment, meals, garage. 4 weeks' vacation. 8106 

DIRECTOR Children's Institution, Male, unmar- 
ried, experienced. B.A. Degree. Post graduate 
work. Boys' institution or co-educational. Free 
to go anywhere. 8105 Survey. 

TWO CASE WORKERS for child and family work 
in rapidly expanding Lutheran agency in Eastern 
city. Requirements : Master's Degree or one year 
training plus experience. Salary range: $1800- 
$2400. 8083 Survey. 

MAN, 35, master's degree, 13 years' experience in 
case work and administration seeks executive po- 
sition juvenile court, institution or social agency. 

Approximate salary $4000. 8101 Survey. 

PAROLE OFFICER Male, New York State resi- 
dents. Vacancies principally in New York City. 
Beginning salary $2400 plus 7*/$% war emergency 
compensation. Give age, education, experience. 
David Dressier, Executive Director, Box 1679, 
Albany, New York. 


WANTED: To work in the Pennsylvania Dutch 
Country, Trained Child Placements Workers. 
Agency small but developing. Five professional 
staff positions now. Area interesting with its 
steel mills, cement works, slate industry, farm 
country, Bethlehem Bach Choir. Beauty of Dela- 
ware and Lehigh rivers and valleys nearby. New 
Hope, Poconos New York, Philadelphia close at 
hand. Apply Northampton County Children's Aid 
Society, 324 Drake Building, Easton, Pennsylvania. 
Phone Easton 4263. Incorporated with Children's 
Aid Society of Pennsylvania. 

WE SERVE as a confidential clearing house 
through which social workert, executives and 
agencies everywhere can get in direct touch with 
one another quickly and at surprisingly small 
cost. A $3.00 registration fee to both employers 
and applicants is our only charge. No com- 
missions ! Just tell us what kind of situation you 
are qualified for, location you would consider, 
etc., or give us complete details about the posi- 
tion you have open. After careful crossmatching, 
employers descriptions are mailed to all potential 
candidates. Those interested then apply direct 
to employers on special forms we furnish. Don't 
run the risk of overlooking the very position or 
applicant you might be most interested in ! Take 
advantage of the increased selection our low fees 
and streamlined service creates. Central Registry 
Service, 109 South Stanwood, Columbus 9, Ohio. 

ERS, as Counselors in a co-educational so-called 
"progressive" camp. Single or married, with or 
without children, if one and all are capable of, 
and interested in, sharing the responsibilities for 
the continued development of a sound guidance 
program in a truly cooperative, democratic camp 
community, for the summer of 1945. 8056 Survey. 

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,) 



(Affiliated with the University of Pennsylvania) 

Professional Education For 

Social Administration 
Social Case Work 
Social Group Work 
Social Research 

Fall Semester, 1945-46, opens October 2, 1945. 
Applications received after February 1, 1945. 

Summer Institute, June 11 June 23. 
Announcement available February 15. 

Address, Secretary for Admissions 
2410 Pine Street 
Philadelphia 3, Penna. 


Professional Education Leading to the degree of M.S. 

Medical Social Work 
Psychiatric Social Work 
Community Work 

Family and Child Welfare 
Public Assistance 
Social Research 

Catalog will be sent on request. 
18 Somerset Street Beacon Hill, Boston 


are invited to make use of our Book Order Department to 
order books of any and all publishers. They will be sent 
postage free anywhere in the United States. Send list to 

Book Order Department 


112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y. 


Columbia University 


Twelve institutes, open to practicing social workers 
will be offered in three, two-week periods: 

July 9-20, July 23-August 3, August 6-17. 

These institutes deal with very current problems in 
all fields of social work, for example the experi- 
ence of the New York City Veterans' Service Cen- 
ter, and problems which face communities with the 
return of their veterans. Two institutes empha- 
size psychiatric work with children and problems 
in the child welfare field. 

For details and for a list of all the institutes write 
the registrar of the School. 

122 East 22nd Street 
New York 10 N. Y. 


A Graduate Professional School Offering a Program 
of Social Work Education Leading to the Degree of 
Master of Social Science. 

Academic Year Opent June, 1943 

The Accelerated Course provides two years of 
academic credits, covering two quarters of theory, 
three quarters of field practice in selected social 
agencies, and the writing of a thesis. 

The demand is urgent for qualified social workers to 
meet the complex problems of postwar rehabilitation. 

Content! for December 1944 

Medical Social Work in the Vocational Rehabilitation 
Program Eleanor Cockerill 

A Task for Social Work in Connection with Psychiatric 
Rehabilitation Helen W'ttmer and Phebe Rich 

Abstracts of Theses: Smith College School for Social Work, 

For further information write to 

Northampton, Massachusetts 

Coming in the Months Ahead 

Special numbers .aa the \ ; me 

service of Survey Gra^ In May comes 
the 10th of our CALLIM5 AMERICA 
series which, since Munich, have reached 
a combined distribution of half a million : 

An adventure in common understand- 
ing in what may be our last great chance 
to shape the future of the world. 

Written by Americans for Americans, 
this May special will deal with a new 
England tempered by war years with 
the British system from London to Mont- 
real, Sydney to Cape Town. It will trace 
wartime team plays from joint boards to 
the fighting fronts coming to grips with 
issues and things in common. Here are 
ten of the contributors: 
John G. Winant, U. S. Ambassador to London 
Herbert Agar, founder, Freedom House, editor, 

Louisville Courier-Journal 
Joseph Barnei, foreign editor, N. Y. Herald 


I 7/1 H. Bennett, chief, U. S. Soil Conserva- 
' ; on Service, back from mission to South 
Henry Steele Commager, Columbia; lecturer, 

University of Cambridge 
David Cushman Coyle, engineer, author of 


Vera Mickeies Dean, research director, For- 
eign Policy Association. 
Lewis S. Gannett, N. Y. Herald Tribune; back 

from Western front. 

John MacCormac, author of "America: Can- 
ada's Problem" 

William L. Batt, Combined Production and 
Resources Board 




Home last fall from overseas service 
(OWI-London), this project was out- 
lined by Victor Weybright who, as our 
managing editor, had handled earlier spe- 
cials. He nas since gathered a symposium 
by representative Britishers. Nine 
Sir William Beveridge, Liberal M.P. 
Sir Kenneth Clark, director, National Gallery 
W. Manning Dacey, editor, The Banker 
Captain Quentin Hogg, Tory Reform Group 
Harold J. Laski, chairman, Labour Pari-J 

Conference * S 

Dowager Lady Reading, chmn., Womtr- S' 

Voluntary Service ' ^ o 

James J. Mallon, warden of Toynbee Ha X 
Lord Vansittart, formerly British Fore?* 2, 

Office .> 

Prof. George Trevelyan, historian 


a series of mind-stretching articles on 
scientific discovery speeded up by the war 
examining how synthetics, television, 
penicillin, helicopters will bring swift 
changes in our ways of life. Transpor- 
tation in the Air Age by William F. 
Ogburn (February), will be followed by 
Electronics: the Mind of the Machine by 
Waldemar Kaempffert; Drugs and 
Plasma: the new Life Savers by lago 
Galdston of the New York Academy of 
Medicine; Public Health: new Levels 
of Prevention and Care by C. E. A. 
Winslow, Yale Medical School ; and 
Television : and the new Communciations 
by Robert W. King, Bell Laboratories. 

ginning now, our readers will see the 
tough process of liquidating the war and 
fabricating security through the eyes of 
James T. Shotwell, historian of World 
War I; chairman, Commission to Study 
the Organization of Peace. 

ning now, also, Survey Graphic readers 
are alive to extension of medical care as a 
prime focus of wartime and postwar con- 
cern through the eyes of Michael M. 

n of Committee on Re- 

cal Economics. 



VIVAL Watersheds are coigns of van- 
*f". through "multiple purpose develop- 
ment." Earlier instalment ! >rris L. 
Cooke, consultant) dealc with TVA 
and Muscle Shoals in wartime; with the 
campaign of newspaper editors up and 
down "The Big Muddy"; the dramatic 
story of the Niger in French West Africa. 
Later articles range from California's 
Central Valley to the "Blue" Danube. 

sen, long distinguished in the goodly com- 
pany of the master reviewers, writes of 
their social implications. 


"Peace and Bread" John Dewey, American 
philosopher, underwrites Jane Addams' in- 
sight that democracy rather than coercion 
should be the basis of any international or- 
ganization that will last. 

Fugitives from Fascism by Joseph P. Cham- 
berlain. An international authority deals not 
with displaced Europeans, but with genuine 
refugees, their challenge to all of us. 

Rehabilitation of Psychiatric War Casualties 
portrayed by Dr. Thomas A. Rennie, at- 
tending psychiatrist, New York Hospital. 

Mississippi's "Ordinary American" by Kath- 
ryn Close, associate editor. A portrait of Earl 
Finch, living symbol of Uncle Sam to Jap- 

From Patch Work to Purpose by Leon H. 
Keyserling, counsel for the Federal Housing 
Agency. The significance of the "Full Em- 
ployment Bill of 1945" proposing a national 
production and employment budget. 

"Full Employment in a Free Society" Max- 
well S. Stewart, editor, Public Affairs Pamph- 
lets, will bring home the meaning to us of 
Sir William Beveridge's new thesis that citi- 
zens can outdo dictators. 

Posttaar Taxes and Full Employment by 
Mabel Newcomer. A Vassar economist as- 
sesses fiscal proposals now to the fore. 

On the Calendar of Our Conscience by Justine 
and Shad Polier. Promise and pitfalls we face 
in legislation to outlaw discrimination by both 
employers and unions. 

Northern Cityvnth a Southern Exposure. 
One community's adventure by Roger Wil- 
liam Riis, roving editor, Reader's Digest. 

Roads to Alcoholism by Dr. Abraham Myer- 
son. A Harvard psychiatrist portrays wht 
social pressures cause excessive drinking. 

Joe Doakes, Patriot, by Miriam Allen deFord. 
What men behind the bars at San Quentin 
are putting into the war. 





7 1945 


China's Pursuit of Light 

By Li Hwa 

Harry Honsen Books on Eastern Asia Bruno Lasker 
From Yalta to San Francisco' James T. Shotwell 

Public Health in the Postwar World C.-E. A. Winslow 

Coercion vs. Democracy 
The Realism of Jane Addams interpreted by John Dewey 



re helped television get born and we've 
helped it grow. 

"We made television sending and receiv- 
ing apparatus back in 1927 and worked it 
by wire between Washington and New York 
City and by radio between Whippany, New 
Jersey, and New York. 

"We can transmit television over wire 
lines and by radio. We produced the coaxial 
cable, which is particularly adapted to tele- 
vision. We have some coaxial installed now 

and are installing more. We are also setting 
up a micro-wave radio-relay circuit. 

"Whatever television needs from us for 
transmission, we'll be prepared. It might be 
a network of cables or radio beams or both. 

"We explore the field in order to do our 
part which is the transmission of television 
from place to place, just as we furnish trans- 
mission for the radio networks now. 

"We're going to keep on studying all 
methods and use the best." 


every Monday evening over NBC 

Among Ourselves 

signed the Ives-Quinn bill at Albany, New 
York became the first state to define the right 
to employment free trom racial or religious 
discrimination as a "civil right." The new legis- 
lation has been widely commended as a sig- 
nificant victory in the fight for democracy 
at home. Anti-discrimination legislation is now 
pending in seven other states Ohio, Cali- 
fornia, Illinois, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, 
Massachusetts, and Connecticut. New York's 
action is also reported to have strengthened 
the hands of congressional supporters of fed- 
eral legislation to set up a permanent Fair 
Employment Practice Commission. 

Meanwhile at Albany a companion bill, 
needed for successful enforcement of the Ives- 
Quinn measure, has been adopted and signed. 
This proposal, which was included in the 
recommendations of the Temporary Commis- 
sion Against Discrimination, gives the state 
attorney general power to assist and, if neces- 
sary, to supersede local prosecutors in enforc- 
ing all state laws against racial or religious 
discrimination. (See "On the Calendar of Our 
Consciences" by Justine and Shad Polier, Feb- 
ruary Survey Graphic.) 

time managing editor of Survey Graphic, is 
the March selection of the Scientific Book 
Club. Mr. Lasker is now research secretary of 
the American Council of the Institute of Pa- 
cific Relations. "Asia on the Move" is reviewed 
on page 135 of this issue. 

Election Returns 


came the results of the nationwide election to 
select a collective bargaining agent for Western 
Union employes under the National Labor 
Relations Act. Some of the issues at stake were 
defined and discussed in Survey Graphic for 
January ("Labor Problem With a Future" by 
Diana Lewars). In the voting, the American 
Federation of Labor won over the CIO 
in virtually every area except New York City. 
The three AFL unions, the Commercial Tele- 
graphers' Union, International Brotherhood of 
Electrical Workers, and the Federal Labor 
Union, had previously made a jurisdictional 
agreement, and were designated as the collec- 
tive bargaining agents on that basis. The elec- 
tion was the outgrowth of the merger of 
Western Union and Postal Telegraph, ordered 
by the Federal Communications Commission. 
Some 60,000 workers were involved. 

In March Survey Midmonthly 
Babies on the Market by Maud Morloc\ 
Figures, Fantasies, and Facts 

by Elbert L. Hooker 

Training for Practice by John A. Reimers 
Birth of a Council by Nell Whaley 

A Welfare Staff Plays 'Truth" 

by G. J. Klupar 
Instead of Jail by William J. Ellis 

Coming in April 
What Is UNRRA Doing? 

by Fred K. Hoehler 



No. 4 

Survey Graphic for April 1945 

Cover: Pursuit of Light by Li Htva. From "China in Elac\ and White" 

John Dewey: Photographic Study by Joseph Breitenbach 116 

Peace and Bread: An appreciation of Jane Addams insight JOHN DEWEY 117 

Public Health in the Postwar World C.-E. A. WINSLOW 1 19 

From Yalta to the Golden Gate JAMES T. SHOTWELL 123 

Farmers Must Go Fishing MICHAEL M. DAVIS 125 

They Can Be Made Over ELSIE McCoRMicK 127 

China in Wartime: Woodcuts 130 

Letters and Life: Special Section featuring bool(s on Eastern Asia 131 

The West and the Far East HARRY HANSEN 131 

China from the Bottom Up BRUNO LASKER 132 



Copyright, 194S, by Survey Associates, Inc. All rights reserved. 


Publication Office: 34 North Crystal Street, East Stroudsburg, Pa. 
Editorial and Business Office, 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y. 

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Business manager, WALTER F. GRUENINCER; Circulation manager, MOLLIE CONDON; Advertising 
manager, MARY R. ANDERSON; Field representatives, ANNE ROLLER ISSLER, DOROTHY PUTNEY. 

Survey Graphic published on the 1st of the month. Price of single copies of this issue, 20c a 
copy. By subscription Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year Foreign 50c; 
Canadian 75c. Indexed in Reader's Guide, Book Review Digest, Index to Labor Articles, Public 
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words written to our Book Review editor by 
Major Irving Dilliard, in his civilian days an 
editorial writer for the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 
and an occasional contributor of articles 
and book reviews to Survey Graphic: "My 
thanks for the two books for review. They 
have just come and you haven't any idea how 
good it is to open a package of American 
books over here in snowbound France and 
to speculate a bit on them and to turn through 
the pages. . . . Rufus Terral recently sent me 
a copy of Survey Graphic with his Missouri 
Valley article. ["Big Magic for the Big Muddy" 
in the September number.] It was a good job 
and so was the whole issue. How do you 
maintain such a high level over the years?" 

Human Test Tubes 

search in the control of epidemics and the 
furtherance of public health is told on page 
119 by Dr. C.-E. A. Winslow of the Yale 
Medical School. It is a swiftly moving story, 
the chapters of which often are front page 

news. Thus as Dr. Winslow's article went to 
the printer, The New Yor% Times carried a 
stirring account of how nearly 800 prisoners 
in three of the country's leading penal insti- 
tutions have since March 1944 been volunteer- 
ing as "living test tubes." 

With the certainty of disease and discom- 
fort, the risk of permanent impairment, and 
even death, the prisoners have permitted them- 
selves to be infected, then given experimental 
doses of little understood drugs. The drugs 
are being developed by American chemists, 
enlisted in the fight against the worldwide 
scourge of malaria. As Dr. Winslow points 
out, quinine and atabrine are effective in 
suppressing the symptoms of the disease; the 
quest is for a drug capable of actually curing 
or preventing malaria. The nature of the 
new drug or drugs is still a closely guarded 
secret of the division of medical sciences of 
the National Research Council. But as the 
Times writer points out, "the stage of large 
scale human testing is regarded in itself as 
indicating diat the long sought goal is close 
to realization." 


Photographic Study by Joseph Breitenbach 



Peace and Bread 

The realism of JANE ADDAMS interpreted by 

American philosopher and long time friend and associate at Hull House, 
a great contemporary of its founder hails a re-edition of her book of 
a quarter century ago.* Writing on international organization for the 
first time in World War II, he subscribes to her living conception of 

Democracy vs. Coercion 

is peculiarly timely. Jane Addams' book is 
a record, searching and vivid, of human 
aspects of the First World War. It gives 
a picture of the development of American 
sentiment from 1914 to 1922, the year of 
its first publication. It is a forceful re- 
minder of things that would be unfor- 
gettable, did we not live on the surface 
of the current of the day's events. 

Her book takes us through the earliest 
period when that war seemed remote and 
unreal, and the American public reacted 
with incredulity and exasperation; through 
the phase of gradual hardening into sullen 
acceptance of war as a fact; to the time 
when, after a delay of two and a half 
years, we responded to the declaration of 
war with enthusiastic participation in 
which the earlier all but universal pacifism 
was treated as cowardly retreat or as 
actively treasonable; and then through the 
postwar years of disillusionment and reac- 

These facts the older ones among us have 
largely forgotten and the younger ones 
never knew. The picture the book gives 
would be of great present value if it merely 
communicated the warning and gave the 
instruction provided by traits common to 
the First World War and to the present 
war which now afflicts the world on an 
even greater scale. 

But the warning and the instruction are 
increased rather than diminished, when we 
include in the reckoning certain matters 
which make the American attitude and 
response during the present war very dif- 
ferent from that of thirty years ago, and 
. that of the eight or ten years immediately 
following. A brief statement of some of 
these differences will, I think, disclose the 
nature of the increased timeliness. 

Conditions at home as well as abroad 
produced a reaction to the outbreak of the 
European war in 1939 very different from 
that which greeted the events of 1914. Even 
only eight years after that date Miss 
Addams could write, 

"It is impossible now to reproduce that 
basic sense of desolation, of suicide, of 
anachronism, which the first news of war 
brought to thousands of men and women 
who had come to consider war as a throw- 
back in the scientific sense." 

And she could also write, "It is very 
difficult after five years of war to recall 
the attitude of most normal people during 
those first years" years when the reaction 
against war "was almost instantaneous 
throughout the country." 

Characteristics of the Change 

What was difficult then is practically 
impossible now. Instead, we have an ac- 
centuation of that later development when, 
as Miss Addams wrote in 1922, "We have 
perforce become accustomed to a world of 
widespread war with its inevitable conse- 
quences of divisions and animosities." 

It is characteristic of the change that, 
while some thirty years ago the idea of a 
war to end wars could be taken seriously, 
we now indulge only in the modest hope 
of being able to establish a peace that 
will last a generation or two. Even more 
significant is the change in the attitude of 

*From an anniversary edit inn of "Peace and 
Bread in Time of War" by Jane Addams; with a 
new introductory essay by John Dewey on "Demo- 
cratic Versus Coercive International Organization: 
the Realism of Jane Addams." 

The anniversary is tlie thirtieth of the Women's 
International League for Peace and Freedom, which 
MUs Addams helped to found in April 1915, and 
did so much to make significant in the succeeding 
twenty years as international president. 

To be published this month by King's Crown Press 
a division of Columbia University Press. Price $2. 

those who have opposed our taking part in 
the two wars. 

In the case of the first war, it was the 
sense of the stupidity and immorality of 
war as war that animated the opposition. 

In the case of the present war, vocal 
opposition came most conspicuously from 
the nationalistic isolationism that wanted 
to keep us out of the devastation of war, 
while those who favored participation for 
the most part took the ground of moral 

There is, I believe, nothing paradoxical 
in saying that such differences as these, 
great as they are, increase, instead of lessen, 
the warning and instruction, the timeliness, 
of the book Miss Addams wrote almost a 
quarter of a century ago. 

The warning is against adoption and use 
of methods which are so traditional that we 
are only too likely to adopt them methods 
which are called "Terms of Peace," but 
which in fact are but terms of a precarious 
interim between wars. 

The instruction concerns the need for 
adoption of methods which break with 
political tradition, which courageously ad- 
venture in lines that are new in diplomacy 
and in the political relations of govern- 
ments, and which are consonant with the 
vast social changes going on everywhere 

The term "pacifist" has unfortunately 
assumed a more restricted meaning during 
recent years. It used to apply to all per- 
sons who hoped and worked for a world 
free from the curse of war. It has now 
come to stand almost exclusively for those 
who are opposed to war under any and all 

On the other hand, the significance of 
the phrase "Peace Movement" has deep- 
ened. It used to stand for something 


which upon the whole was negative, for an 
attitude that made it easy to identify paci- 
fism with passivism. A large measure of 
credit for producing this latter change must 
go to Jane Addams. 

Dynamics of Peace 

In her book "The Newer Ideals of 
Peace," published some years before the out- 
break of World War I, she set forth aims 
and methods that are so intimately con- 
nected with "Peace and Bread" that the 
two books form a whole. The aims and 
methods set forth in both are of a kind 
that more than justify her in referring to 
them as "vital and dynamic." 

Their nature may be gathered from the 
vigor with which she repudiated accusa- 
tions that were freely and ungenerously 
brought against her and her fellow-workers. 
Speaking of the state of affairs before the 
First World War, she wrote, 

"The world was bent on change, for it 
knew that the real denial and surrender of 
life is not physical death but acquiescence 
in hampered conditions and unsolved prob- 
lems. . . . 

"We pacifists, so far from passively 
wishing nothing to be done, contended on 
the contrary that this world crisis should 
be utilized for the creation of an inter- 
national government able to make the neces- 
sary political and economic changes which 
were due; ... it was unspeakably stupid 
that the nations should fail to create an 
international government through which 
each one, without danger to itself, might 
recognize and even encourage the impulses 
toward growth in other nations." 

And again she wrote, 

"We were constantly accused of wishing 
to isolate the United States and to keep our 
country out of world politics. We were 
of course urging a policy exactly the reverse, 
that this country should lead the nations 
of the world into a wider life of coordi- 
nated political activity." 

Miss Addams repeatedly called attention 
to the fact that all social movements outside 
of traditional diplomacy and "international 
law" had been drawing the peoples of 
different countries together in ever closer 
bonds, while war, under modern condi- 
tions, was affecting civilian populations as 
it had never done before. 

Both of these factors have immensely in- 
creased since she wrote. The futility of 
dependence upon old methods, which is 
referred to in the passage just quoted, has 
correspondingly increased. Many persons, 
among whom the present writer enrolls 
himself, who are not pacifists in the abso- 
lute sense in which Miss Addams was one, 
believe that she has clearly indicated the 
directions which all peace efforts must take 
if they are not to be doomed in advance 
to futility. 

Miss Addams remarks in "Peace and 
Bread" that "Social advance depends as 
much upon the process through which it 
is secured as upon the result itself." When 
one considers the intimately human quality 
of her writings, it sounds pedantic to say 
that this sentence conveys a philosophy, one 
which underlies what she has to say about 
war and the conditions of enduring peace. 

But the human quality of her position and 
proposals in this case is a philosophy that 
gives the key to understanding her. 

Peace A Democratic Process 

Her dynamic and vital contribution to 
the Peace Movement is her insistence upon 
the necessity of international organization. 
Today the idea has become commonplace. 
The Wilsonian League of Nations at least 
accomplished that much. We are assured 
from all quarters that the Second World 
War is being fought in order to achieve 
an organization of nations that will main- 
tain peace. But when we ask about the 
process that is depended upon, we find the 
word "organization" covers very different 

The process that looms largest in current 
discussions is "political" action, by which 
we usually mean governmental and legal 
action, together with coercive economic 
measures. Miss Addams does employ the 
word "political." But the context invariably 
shows that she uses it in a wide human 
sense. And while this usage of hers confers 
upon the word a moral, and in so far an 
idealistic, significance, her attitude is in fact 
much more realistic than is the attitude that 
puts its trust in "organization" of the tra- 
ditional political type. 

For one can say, with as much justice 
as is consonant with brevity, that to trust 
to traditional political "organization" to 
create peaceful relations between nations 
involves reliance upon just that exaggerated 
nationalistic and power politics that has 
brought the world to its present pass. 

In contrast, the process of organization 
upon which Miss Addams would have us 
depend is one which cuts across national- 
istic lines. Moreover, instead of setting up 
a super-state, it also cuts under those lines. 
Its nature is indicated in a passage which 
follows the one already quoted, in which 
she expressed the desire that the United 
States take the lead in guiding the world 
"into a wider life of coordinated political 

What fits the United States, Miss 
Addams holds, for assuming this leadership 
is precisely the fact that democratic develop- 
ment in this country has in fact increasingly 
cut under and cut across barriers of race 
and class. In nothing is Miss Addams' 
book more timely than in its sense of the 
positive values contributed by our immi- 
grant populations. The pattern of Amer- 
ican life, composed of multiple and diversi- 
fied peoples, hostile in the countries from 
which they came but living in reasonable 
amity here, can and should be used to pro- 
vide the pattern of international organiza- 

One of the ironies of the present situation 
is that a war caused in large measure by 
deliberate Nazi provocation of racial and 
class animosity has had the effect in this 
country of stimulating the growth of racial 
fear and dislike, instead of leading to intel- 
ligent repudiation of Nazi doctrines of hate. 

The heart of the democratic movement, 
as Miss Addams saw and felt it, is "to 
replace coercion by the full consent of the 
governed, to educate and strengthen the 
free will of the people through the use of 

democratic institutions" in which "the cos- 
mopolitan inhabitants of this great nation 
might at last become united in a vast 
common endeavor for social ends." Since 
the United States had demonstrated on a 
fairly large scale the practicability of this 
method, Miss Addams put her faith in 
extension of the democratic process to the 
still wider world of peoples. 

Old Welding and New 

Its exact opposite she found in the use of 
"opposition to a common enemy, which is 
an old method of welding peoples to- 
gether," a method "better fitted to military 
than to social use, adapted to a government 
resulting from coercion rather than one 
founded by free men." 

There are today many persons, not paci- 
fists in the present technical sense, who will 
believe that Miss Addams' book is timely 
because it points directly to the source of 
the failure of the hopes so ardently enter- 
tained a generation ago. Men then thought 
they could attain peace through an inter- 
national organization of the traditional 
political kind, which relies more upon coer- 
cive force than upon constructive meeting 
of human needs. 

When I try to formulate what Miss 
Addams wrote informally yet clearly, I 
come out with a sense of the difference 
between two methods and attitudes: 

On one hand, we can trust to an inter- 
national political organization of an over- 
all type to create the organs it requires. 

On the other hand, we can rely upon 
organs that have been formed to take care 
of human needs (including the need for 
change) to develop in the course of their 
own use an organization which can be 
depended upon, because it has become in- 
grained in practice. 

If history has proved anything, it is, I 
believe, that only the latter kind of organ- 
ization is so "vital and dynamic" as to 
endure, while the former kind is likely 
to yield a mechanical structure of forces 
so uncertainly "balanced" as to be sure to 
collapse when old stresses and strains recur 
in new shapes. 

It has become customary to give the 
name "realistic" to the kind of organiza- 
tion that is based upon opposition to an 
enemy and that relies upon armed force to 
maintain itself. In contrast, the road indi- 
cated by Miss Addams is, I submit, infi- 
nitely more "realistic." 

There are chapters in "Peace and Bread," 
notably the fourth and the tenth, which 
supply material that makes concrete and 
definite the difference between processes or 
organizations of the traditional political- 
legal type, with their emphasis upon force 
already war in posse and the human 
and socially humane processes to which 
Miss Addams appealed for help. 

Her Faith and Its Pole 

The formation of UNRRA, even while 
this war is being waged, is, as far as it 
goes, a recognition of the "Food Chal- 
lenge" for world organization. The energy 
with which we use and extend this kind 
of process as the working model for other 
(Continued on page 138) 



Signal Corp* 
In Pacific jungles today, in the American homeland tomorrow, we have a decisive new weapon, DDT, for the fight against malaria 

Public Health in the Postwar World 

With sanitary isolationism ended forever by the airplane science and technol- 
ogy now put within man's reach new levels of cooperation and global health. 

public health problems of major impor- 
tance problems which as a nation we have 
never been forced to meet before. 

In 1898 we had only to deal with the 
menace of flies and the improper disposal 
of excreta in Florida and Cuba and we did 
not pass even this simple test satisfactorily, 
since one out of five of our soldiers con- 
tracted typhoid fever. 

In 1918, the world pandemic of influ- 
enza struck military and civilian popula- 
tions alike; and public health science had 
no effective answer to that problem. 

In the present conflict we face infinitely 
greater difficulties in protecting the health 
of our armies. We have been operating in 
Central Africa and the South Pacific the 
most fever-ridden jungles of the earth. We 
have had to face malaria at its worst, amebic 
and bacillary dysentery, dengue fever and 
scrub typhus, the newly highlighted infec- 
tious jaundice, and many another disease 
which most American scientists have 
known only from their textbooks. 


From this ordeal, the army and the navy 
have emerged with a success which forms a 
truly glorious chapter in the history of 
public health. The deathrate from disease 
in our army had reached an all-time low 
of 3.1 per 1,000 in 1939 and fell still fur- 
ther in the next three years. 

By the Anna M. R. Lauder Professor 
of Public Health in the Yale Medical 
School, and director of the John B. 
Pierce Laboratory of Hygiene. An out- 
standing American authority in the pub- 
lic health field, Dr. Winslow has dealt 
with international health problems as 
general medical director of the League 
of Red Cross Societies, expert assessor 
of the Health Committee of the League 
of Nations, member of the board of 
scientific directors of the International 
Health Division of the Rockefeller 

This article is the third in our series, 
"The Future is Already Here." 

In spite of and because of this bril- 
liant record of military medicine, the ex- 
perience of the armed forces has real signifi- 
cance from the standpoint of the health of 
our civilian population in the postwar 
period. In many of the Pacific Islands, our 
troops have been effectively protected 
against the development of malaria only 
by continuous treatment with quinine or 
atabrine. Many of them will, however, have 
received infection and when the suppres- 
sive drug treatment ceases they will come 
down with the disease. Statistics already 
show a five-fold increase in malaria re- 
ported from our northern states during the 
winter months. It is probable that tens, 
perhaps hundreds, of thousands of such 
relapses will occur when all our troops 
return. They will serve as sources of epi- 
demics wherever our own malaria-bearing 
mosquitoes are not effectively controlled. 

Conquest of Insect Enemies 

At this point, however, some of the most 
dramatic new advances of public health 

APRIL 1945 



Dusting clothing with DDT in Naples last year. Deadly typhus was "licked in a week" 

I". S. Public Health Service 
PHS doctors examine incoming air travelers at Miami for symptoms of tropical disease 

science have come to our aid. The Pre- 
ventive Medicine Service of the Office of 
the Surgeon-General of the Army (under 
the direction of Brigadier-General J. S. 
Simmons) was, even before Pearl Harbor, 
making an intensive study of materials 
which would destroy insect pests and of 
others which would serve as repellents to 
keep such pests away from the soldier. 
Early in 1933, when the situation was ren- 
dered critical by the cutting off of sources 
of insecticidal substances from the Dutch 
East Indies and the failure of crops yielding 
similar substances in East Africa, a mate- 
rial now known as "DDT" was sent to the 
government laboratories for test. This mir- 
acle substance, it was found, kills flies, 
mosquitoes, lice, fleas, bedbugs. It can be 
used in the form of a powder dusted into 
the clothing for the destruction of lice; 

or the clothing itself may be impregnated 
with the substance. It can be dusted onto 
water from an airplane to kill larval 
mosquitoes; or sprayed in liquid solution 
into the air to destroy adult mosquitoes. It 
can be painted on to the wall of a house 
or stable and will kill any insect which 
lights upon it. It may persist on clothing 
or on a wall in toxic strength for months. 

In the past, deadly epidemics of typhus 
fever have always followed in the wake of 
armies. Typhus decimated the troops of 
Napoleon in the retreat from Moscow. 
Typhus caused millions of deaths in the 
Soviet Union after 1918. But when it broke 
out in Naples a year ago, DDT licked it in 
a week. General Simmons has said that 
this substance "is the war's greatest con- 
tribution to the future health of the world." 

Long before the beginning of recorded 

history, there began a world war between 
the human race and its insect enemies. In 
this age-long conflict it appears science has 
at last given our side a weapon which 
ensures decisive victory. 

It will be our responsibility after the 
war to see that these new discoveries are 
applied for the protection of the civilian 
population. Particularly in the case of ma- 
laria, will this be essential. It is out of the 
question to quarantine all the malaria car- 
riers returning from the Far East. Our only 
effective safeguard is to render our home- 
land non-infectible. There are serious foci 
of malarial mosquitoes in 68 counties of 
the United States; and the U. S. Public 
Health Service has outlined a program 
costing $15,000,000 a year for at least five 
years and $1,000,000 a year thereafter for 
their control. It will be well worth the 

New Weapons in an Old Fight 

In the first World War, the most serious 
causes of disability in the armed forces 
were the venereal diseases. After the close 
of hostilities, syphilis and gonorrhea as- 
sumed almost epidemic proportions in 
civilian populations all over the world. 
During recent months the incidence rate 
of these diseases has risen, both in the 
services and at home. The condition is, 
however, by no means so serious as one 
might assume from reports of a 25 percent 
or 50 percent increase, here or there, since 
these percentage increases are estimated on 
initially low rates. The combined incidence 
rate of the venereal diseases in the army 
in 1942 (under 40 per 1,000 per year) was 
less than half the lowest annual rate for 
our army in World War I. 

Furthermore, we have, in this case also, 
new and effective weapons in the war 
against disease. Dr. George Baehr of New 
York has said: "The recent introduction 
of rapid treatment methods for early 
syphilis has made it possible for the first 
time to eliminate the disease. The five-day 
drip technique for massive arsenotherapy, 
and subsequent modifications, with and 
without the artificial induction of fever, 
can cure 80 to 90 percent of patients with 
early syphilis. . . . The results of penicillin 
treatment are at least as good as massive 
arsenotherapy, and there are no toxic effects 
whatever. Eighty to 90 percent of all pa- 
tients with early syphilis can be rendered 
non-infectious and perhaps cured within a 

These are new procedures and there will 
certainly be limitations to their usefulness; 
but they promise to reduce the treatment 
period for syphilis to days or weeks instead 
of months or years. As to gonorrhea, heat 
treatment and the use of sulfa drugs and 
penicillin have now given us prompt and 
effective methods of treatment for a disease 
which presented an almost hopeless prob- 
lem in the past. 

New drugs, however powerful, will not, 
unfortunately, apply themselves. If we are 
to avoid epidemics of syphilis and gon- 
orrhea after the war, we must more full) 
activate our local community machinery 
for the control of commercialized vice on 
the one hand and our public health ma- 



chinery for the eradication of syphilis and 
gonorrhea on the other. The crowding of 
lonely male and female workers into mush- 
room munition towns and the return of 
soldiers and sailors starved for sex satis- 
faction cannot fail to create grave problems. 

We shall need far more extensive and 
adequate free treatment facilities than we 
now possess; and we shall need vigorous 
and continued epidemiological work for 
the discovery of sources of infection and 
the prompt treatment of carriers. Even 
with the older methods of control, syphilis 
in 1940 was as rare a disease in Stockholm 
as typhoid fever was in New York. 

What Sweden did, we with our new 
weapons can accomplish. 

Tuberculosis Unfinished Business 

A century ago, our large cities had tuber- 
culosis deathrates of 400 per 100,000 popu- 
lation. Today, many of them have rates of 
40. In smaller communities, rates below 20 
are reported. Yet tuberculosis still ranks 
as our seventh or eighth cause of death. 

The major problem which confronts us, 
in this case, is early diagnosis; but this term 
no longer means the diagnosis of clinical 
disease by fever and a cough and loss of 
weight. It means diagnosis before clinical 
disease occurs at all diagnosis through the 
magic of the X-ray. In many individuals, 
tuberculosis can be arrested even after clin- 
ical symptoms have appeared. In other 
instances, it is by that time too late. The 
keystone of our program must be the dis- 
covery of early lesions in the lung at a 
time when the keenest diagnostician with 
his stethoscope can observe no clinical ab- 

Again, the army and navy have given 
us a lead in this respect. For the first time 
in history, we have a record of X-ray find- 
ings for every young man of military age 
as a result of the selective service pro- 
cedures. In some but by no means all 
communities, civilian health authorities 
have seen to it that infected persons in 
this group were brought under care in a 
stage ideally suited for treatment. In cer- 
tain states, comprehensive programs for 
the X-raying of employes in industrial 

Lunch in a plant cafeteria. Nutrition 

establishments have been organized. A few 
smaller communities have undertaken a 
similar survey of their entire populations. 
Grants which have been made available 
from a $10,000,000 federal fund through 
the U. S. Public Health Service should 
greatly facilitate expansion along such lines. 

Pneumonia and the Common Cold 

Aside from syphilis and tuberculosis, the 
only germ diseases left which are of really 
major importance are the acute infections 
of the upper respiratory tract. Pneumonia 
and influenza still stand among the leading 
causes of death in normal years; and the 
common cold and related infections of 
nose and throat far exceed all other mala- 
dies as causes of disability. There is always 
the possibility that influenza may again 
assume pandemic proportions as it did in 

There are three lines of approach in the 
contrpl of these upper respiratory infections 
treatment, immunization, and preven- 

Lawrence D. Thornton 
is a major factor in optimum health 

U. S. Public Health Service posters 

In the field of treatment, the sulfa drugs 
and penicillin and similar substances are 
of incalculable value in many forms of 
pneumonia. Whether they would operate 
in the face of a catastrophic world epi- 
demic, like that of 1918, no one can say; 
but marked reduction of fatalities might 
be expected. 

From the standpoint of specific immun- 
ity, science has so far given us less clear 
assurance; but the fact that the army pur- 
chased last summer millions of hen's eggs 
for the preparation of vaccines for. experi- 
mental use against influenza indicates the 
promise which this procedure presents. 

For the basic prevention of infection, 
recent discoveries have opened up new 
vistas of progress. Evidence accumulated 
during the past ten years has made it clear 
that diseases of the upper respiratory tract 
(particularly those caused by the class of 
minute parasites known as viruses) are 
spread, not merely by direct contact with 
an infected person or with objects handled 
by such a person, but largely perhaps 
chiefly by fine droplets of mouth spray 
transmitted through the atmosphere. Some 
authorities believe that our preoccupation 
with contact transmission and neglect of 
air transmission is precisely the reason why 
we have succeeded in the control of in- 
testinal diseases and failed in the control 
of respiratory diseases. 

Studies in army and navy barracks have 
shown that the treatment of floors and 
bedding with oils which catch and hold 
suspended atmospheric particles may re- 
duce respiratory infections. A more far- 
reaching attack on the spread of germs 
through the atmosphere may be made by 
spraying a very fine mist of certain dis- 
infectants (serosols) into the air; or by 
disinfecting the air in the upper part of a 
room by the application of ultra-violet light. 
These last two methods have been tested 
with promising results in army and navy 
barracks, as well as in schools. 

The new technique of disinfection of 

APRIL 1945 


air has already established itself in the 
operating room and in the contagious dis- 
ease ward of the hospital. Whether it will 
become standard practice for the classroom 
and the auditorium, it is too early to say. 
In New York and other states, careful 
comparative studies are being carried out 
in schools, with adequate untreated con- 
trols which should help us to decide just 
how much may be gained by such proced- 

Optimum Health vs. Staying Alive 

The mortality of the people of the 
United States was decreased between 1900 
and 1940 from nearly 18 per thousand to 
less than 11 per thousand. The reduction 
of almost 40 percent in the total burden of 
sickness and death is a social phenomenon 
of unprecedented magnitude. It has altered 
the enure fabric of society by increasing 
the average age of the population and has 
brought the problems of old age into the 
forefront of our planning. It compels the 
health officer to recognize that the prime 
causes of mortality today are diseases of the 
heart and arteries, and cancer not infant 
diarrhea nor diphtheria nor tuberculosis. 

The problem of cancer is a major chal- 
lenge in this field; and it is gratifying to 
note that serious efforts are now being 
made to raise funds for an intensified cam- 
paign against this disease. Recent studies 
of the chemical factors related to abnormal 
cell growth may at any moment open the 
door to effective control. 

In dealing with the diseases of later life, 
we cannot expect to reduce the total death- 
rate per 1,000 of the whole population far 
below its present level. What we can do 
is to decrease mortality rates at given age 
periods even though the parallel shift of 
the population to later and later age periods 
balances our gain in the deathrate at all 
ages. Our objective will more and more 
be to prolong life and to promote efficiency. 
These things go together; for we cannot 
prolong the mean length of life by ten 
years without in essence making the man 
of seventy as healthy and vigorous as was 
the man of sixty in an earlier period. Our 
aim will increasingly be health health in 
that positive sense which William James 
had in mind when he said, "Simply to 
live, move and breathe should be a de- 

Food and Health 

If we visualize the ideals of the future 
public health movement in such terms as 
these, our program broadens immeasurably. 
The problem of nutrition, for example, 
comes into the foreground; for no factor 
in human life has a more significant influ- 
ence than food on optimum health as 
distinct from just staying alive. It is not 
starvation, or even marked clinical types of 
deficiency diseases, which are our problems 
in the United States, but diets slightly or 
moderately deficient in vitamins or salts or 
other essential building-stones of the body. 
Evidence of the harmful influence of such 
deficiencies on the attainment of a high 
level of health and efficiency is piling up 
every year and every month. 

The influence of dietary inadequacy 

upon health begins in the womb. Experi- 
ments with animals have shown that many 
anatomical defects commonly attributed 
to heredity may be produced by lack of 
certain essential food factors. Observations 
on human beings have indicated that simi- 
lar deficiencies are directly related to the 
course of pregnancy, the process of child- 
birth, and the health of the infant during 
the first fortnight of its life. Growth and 
development and learning ability in child- 
hood and youth depend in measurable de- 
gree on dietary adequacy. In adult life, 
capacity for heavy work, precision and dex- 
terity in various tasks, and resistance to cer- 
tain industrial poisons are all related to 
similar factors. 

Finally, the onset of the aging process 
is markedly accelerated by poor diet. The 
influence of dietary deficiency upon the 
skin and hair of experimental animals is 
well known; and recent observations in 
Newfoundland, where such deficiency is 
serious and widespread, have revealed 
women in their twenties with the harsh 
and wrinkled skins of ancient crones. It 
would be surprising if such aging processes 
in the skin were not duplicated in more 
vital organs. 

In the postwar period, we must attack 
this problem of subtle chronic malnutrition 
along three different lines. We shall need 
to continue and supplement wartime regu- 
lations for the maintenance or enrichment 
of the essential food elements in our staple 
foods. We must continue and expand our 
program of popular health instruction in 
regard to nutrition; and we must work for 
the development of facilities by which the 
people can actually apply the knowledge 
they acquire, particularly through the de- 
velopment of adequately supervised in- 
dustrial cafeterias. 

Housing and Health 

Next to nutrition, the problem of hous- 
ing emerges as a second major objective of 
future campaigns for a positive and con- 
structive health ideal. It is obvious that 
numerous factors in the home environ- 
ment influence physical and emotional and 
social well-being in far-reaching and fun- 
damental ways. The Committee on the 
Hygiene of Housing of the American Pub- 
lic Health Association has enumerated 
thirty specific conditions of healthful hous- 
ing which are beyond question related to 
Ae realization of fundamental physiological 
needs (an atmosphere that is not too cold 
or too hot, adequate daylight and artificial 
illumination, protection against noise, and 
so on); to the realization of fundamental 
psychological needs (among them, privacy, 
and its obverse, opportunity for social inter- 
course, facilities for the performance of the 
60 hours a week of housework required 
in an average home without undue fatigue, 
a modicum of both esthetic satisfaction and 
self-respect); to the avoidance of the 
menaces of insanitation (including defec- 
tive water supply or waste disposal, over- 
crowding, presence of vermin); and to the 
avoidance of accident hazards (which kill 
30,000 persons a year in American homes). 

To meet these fundamental needs, find- 
ings of the U. S. Census of 1940 showed 

that before the war, between 30 and 40 
percent of our housing accommodations 
were clearly below standard. To replace 
present grossly substandard dwellings, to 
relieve doubled-up and overcrowded fam- 
ilies, to provide for new families and re- 
place dwellings becoming obsolescent, it is 
agreed that we shall need to build between 
1,000,000 and 1,500,000 new homes an- 
nually for a period of fifteen years. 

As in the problems which have been pre- 
viously discussed, science and technology 
will aid us in this task. New plastic and 
other materials, increased application of 
prefabrication, over-all planning and in- 
telligent financing techniques will make the 
job easier. But the major discovery we 
shall need to apply is the ancient but in- 
completely realized discovery that man is 
his brother's keeper. 

The fundamental reason why people live 
in slum tenements and in shacks on the 
Appalachian mountain sides is that a sub- 
stantial proportion of our people does not 
and in any foreseeable future will not, 
earn enough to pay for adequate housing. 
There is only one practical remedy; and 
that remedy is government-subsidized hous- 
ing, based on the assumption that adequate 
housing is an essential of decent American 

This was the purpose of the federal hous- 
ing act passed in 1937. Until the war stop- 
ped the program, 131,349 dwelling units 
were provided for low income families by 
the Public Works Administration, the Fed- 
eral Public Housing Administration and 
the Farm Security Administration. The 
local housing authorities, with aid from the 
federal government, have in the main done 
an honest job and a good job. For the first 
time in our history, the best available 
knowledge in planning, in architecture, in 
sanitation, and in social science, has been 
applied to the housing problem of the low 
income group. However, this is only a 

Of the minimum of fifteen million 
homes which we shall need, between four 
and five million should be built for low 
rent housing by public authorities. There 
is no real conflict between public and pri- 
vate housing in spite of the ill-advised op- 
position to public housing on the part of 
the National Association of Real Estate 
Boards and the National Association of 
Home Builders. All are agreed that private 
enterprise should house every family which 
it can house at a profit; and that its opera- 
tions should be pushed as far as possible 
down the economic scale by properly safe- 
guarded aid in the form of low interest 
public loans and assistance in land assem- 
bly. Below the floor of private enterprise 
is the ceiling of public housing. The floor 
of private housing must be lowered and the 
ceiling of public housing must be raised 
until they meet. 

Medical Care for the USA 

A third major health problem of the 
future is medical care. Competent studies 
have shown, beyond peradventure, that, in 
spite of the unrivalled facilities of the 
United States in medical and dental and 
(Continued on page 140) 



From Yalta 

to the 
Golden Gate 

Like the Atlantic Charter 
itself the Yalta Charter 
leads on to the Great Deci- 
sions faced at San Francisco 


GOLDEN GATE! Let us hope that will 
be its name and that the name will be 
lived up to. For without doubt San Fran- 
cisco becomes the setting for the most im- 
portant conference not only in the history 
of the United States but in the history of 
the world. 

The only parallel to it in our own ex- 
perience is the convention which assembled 
in Philadelphia in 1787 to frame the 
American Constitution. The future of all 
mankind hangs on whether something of 
the high quality of statesmanship of the 
Founding Fathers will be repeated at this 
convention for framing a constitution for 
the United Nations. 

The problems with which it will have to 
deal are the gravest, most difficult, in all 
the history of politics. They are not mere 
temporizing adjustments of diplomacy to 
win advantage for this or that country; or 
to secure a breathing space between wars. 

The high purpose of the Golden Gate 
Conference is to eliminate war as an -in- 
strument of national policy, and that means 
the greatest revolution ever attempted in 
human affairs, for war has been the in- 
strument of policy from the beginning of 
time. Now, however, modern science, by 
making war a uniyersal catastrophe, has 
brought us to the choice either of getting 
rid of war or of facing the destruction of 
civilization itself. 

This central fact of the Conference of 
the United Nations should never be lost 
sight of, never obscured by any partial de- 
tails of the peace settlement, however im- 
portant they may be in themselves. The 
terms of that settlement as they apply to 
the different countries of Europe offer a 
whole set of immediate issues which are 
of more pressing importance to the nations 
directly concerned than the long-term prob- 
lem of world organization. Yet it would be 
a tragic blunder if these questions of pres- 
ent-day politics were to be brought so much 
to the fore in the world conference as to 
reduce it to the lower plane of intrigue in 

^fc " ** 


Bishop in the 5"'. Louis Star-Times 
Another Golden Gate at San Francisco 

diplomacy and political pressures upon the 

The Two Great Areas of Settlement 

On the one hand there is the liquidation 
of the war itself; on the other hand the 
planning for a world organization to pre- 
vent its recurrence. Both these areas are 
too vast and present too many difficulties 
for any one conference to deal fully with 
them. Here I can do little more than offer 
a guide to the entrance of the labyrinth. 

First with reference to the liquidation of 
the war. Never since the fall of Rome has 
there been such widespread devastation. In 
five years' time Europe has moved much 
more swiftly toward the Dark Ages than 
the Roman world did in the fifth century. 
Even where the bombs have not fallen, the 
whole economic life is either denatured or 
crushed out of existence by the demands of 
war. Millions of people have been driven 
from their homes and millions more are 
starving and dying of diseases. A whole 
generation is growing up under a regime 
of force and violence and terror. 

These problems of the postwar settlement 
are therefore so real and so pressing that, as 
I said in an earlier article, it is but natural 
and indeed proper that they should be dealt 
with immediately, that their settlement be 
not delayed by concentration upon world- 
wide planning for the future. 

But, on the other hand, the plans for in- 
ternational organization must not be falsi- 
fied by the passionate interest of nations in 
their purely local interests. The local settle- 
ment of Europe will not be a settlement if 
it preserves the old state system with reli- 
ance upon war as the corrective for interna- 


Third in a series of articles by the 
historian of World War I, chairman of 
the Commission to Study the Organiza- 
tion of Peace. 

tional maladjustments. That half of the 
problem is what is most likely to be for- 
gotten. Indeed it seems to have been al- 
ready forgotten by some of those who with- 
hold their support from the United Nations 
organization until they can have a settle- 
ment of the affairs of this or that European 
country which, in their opinion often ill- 
informed is right. 

The Yalta Charter 

It is in this regard that the Yalta Confer- 
ence makes so great a contribution. It 
frankly leaves the details of the settlement 
of the specific European problems outside 
the scope of the United Nations Confer- 
ence. But the "Declaration on Liberated 
Europe," drawn up at Yalta, offers a firm 
foundation upon which the international 
organization can be built. That foundation 
is the democratic principle of the Atlantic 
Charter, "the right of all peoples to choose 
the form of government under which they 
will live." 

Reaffirmations of the Atlantic Charter 
and of the pledge in the Declaration of the 
United Nations to cooperate for a world of 
freedom as well as for one of peace, were 
textually connected in the Yalta Conference 
with the reestablishment of law and order 
in the liberated nations and not with the 
plans for the United Nations Conference. 
This does not mean that the principles for 
liberated Europe are not also those of the 
United Nations organization; but it does 
mean that they are given more vitality and 
strength by connecting them with the in- 
escapable problems of European reconstruc- 

So important is this statement of the 
principles governing the three great allies 
in the reestablishment of peace that it 
should be regarded as a new charter, more 
definite and further reaching that that of 
the Atlantic. If the Yalta Charter is ad- 
hered to, it will ensure not only the peace 
of Europe better than any other single de- 
vice could secure it, but will help vastly in 
the construction of the world organization 

APRIL 1945 


for peace and security. The paragraph in 
question is too important to summarize. It 
runs as follows: 

"To foster the conditions in which the 
liberated peoples may exercise these rights, 
the three Governments will jointly assist 
the people in any European liberated state 
or former Axis satellite state in Europe 
where in their judgment conditions require 

"(A) to establish conditions of internal 

"(B) to carry out emergency measures 
for the relief of distressed people; 

"(C) to form interim governmental au- 
thorities broadly representative of all demo- 
cratic elements in the population and 
pfcdged to the earliest possible establish- 
ment through free elections of governments 
responsive to the will of the people; and 

"(D) to facilitate where necessary the 
holding of such elections." 

The rebuilding of Europe on these prin- 
ciples is all that anyone could desire. Yet 
there are those, like Sir William Beveridge 
in London, who apparently regard these 
promises as but mere forms of words dis- 
guising the creation of a Holy Alliance. 
Here in the United States there is a move- 
ment skillfully conducted to concentrate at- 
tention upon Poland, not only as the test 
for the Yalta program but as the test for 
the structure of peace itself. 

The Test Case of Poland 

The Polish question is and long has been 
the most difficult problem presented by any 
of the nations of Europe. It should be said 
at once, and kept constantly in mind, that 
there is no one settlement which will be 
satisfactory to both the Poles and their 
neighbors or even to all sections of the 
Polish nation. At the same time, the suf- 
ferings of Poland and its heroic struggle 
for freedom are constantly in the mind of 
Americans. We want to see justice done to 

a people which has suffered from injustice 
as few others have done, a proud, brave 
people who are the victims of both circum- 
stance and history. 

The chief issue at present is the frontier 
between Poland and Russia. Polish na- 
tionalists both in the United States and 
in London claim all the territory which 
was granted to Poland by the Bolshevik 
government in 1921, as a result of a Polish 
victory over the Bolshevik armies. This 
line is far east of the ethnic frontier which 
was drawn by the geographers at the Paris 
Peace Conference and had been known as 
the Curzon Line because of the part taken 
by the British Foreign Secretary in the at- 
tempted negotiations with Poland. Ethno- 
graphically, the Curzon Line was one of 
the best frontiers in eastern Europe. There- 
fore, in going back to it, Soviet Russia has 
a case which must not be overlooked or 
underestimated. It should be remarked, 
however, in this connection, that the pres- 
ent Russian claims go farther than the 
Curzon Line in the inclusion of the city of 
Lwow at the south and of the industrial 
area at the north. 

This frontier, however, is only one factor 
in the Polish question. Senator Vandenberg 
has put his finger more accurately upon the 
real problem of the settlement of Poland 
in this insistence that the tripartite commis- 
sion, American, British and Russian, which 
is to preside over the setting up of the new 
republic, shall really see to it that the 
principles of the Yalta Conference quoted 
above shall be applied with justice for all. 
including those who have opposed Russia 
in the present controversy. This is a sound 
basis of policy. But it could easily be falsi- 
fied if we were to listen to only one faction 
of Polish opinion and accept only a full 
satisfaction of nationalist claims in the set- 
ting up of the Polish government. 

Deeper study of the situation reveals the 
fact that we are dealing not merely with 

the rival claims of Russians and Poles, but 
with the internal problem of agrarian re- 
form in Poland itself. That would be a 
strange and perverse turn of events if any 
member of the American delegation were 
to oppose a settlement of the Polish ques- 
tion and therefore weaken the structure 
of the whole peace settlement because of 
his support of the outworn system of laru 
tenure in eastern Poland. 

Germany and Japan 

Important as is this test case of Polanc 
the settlement of Germany itself present 
even more difficult issues, both because of 
the magnitude of the task of readjustment 
and the danger to the peace of the world it 
there is failure there. Fortunately, once 
more, the Yalta Conference gave a guar 
antee for ultimate success in its assurance 
to the people of Germany that the purpos< 
of the Allies is not to destroy the Germar 
nation, but only to rid it of militarisn 
Such an aim is constructive and curative- 
and for the ultimate benefit of the Ger- 
mans themselves. The evil which has in- 
fected their political life throughout his 
tory has been reliance upon war and glori- 
fication of it as the instrument of nationa 

Germany and Japan are our enemies, not 
because of any rivalry in trade or in the 
peaceful dealings of nation with nation, but 
because they have not only resorted to war 
to impose their will upon their neighbors, 
but have made it the symbol and embodi- 
ment of their history. 

Once we recognize this fact, we see that 
the Golden Gate Conference of the United 
Nations is not to be directed against Ger- 
many as such or even against its best inter- 
ests. The final enemy with which the 
United Nations are now reckoning is not 
the Axis Powers, but war itself. This is no 
mere form of words. It is the ultimate 
reality of the Conference of the Golden 




The United Nations: for Peace and World Progress. Chart, Department of State, USA 



Farmers Must Go Fishing 



on farms and in villages in the United 
States are the medically forgotten men of 
this nation. They raise most of the na- 
tion's food. They will raise a large part 
of the nation's future population, since the 
cities do not reproduce themselves. But 
they have had far less than their fair share 
of doctors, dentists, nurses, hospitals, and 
health departments, and the health-giving 
life of the countryside is more than coun- 
terbalanced by the health-deteriorating 
shortage of preventive and curative medi- 
cine in those countrysides. 

The war has made matters much worse. 
Now, the last war years challenge the post- 
war future. What shall the rural people 
themselves and the whole nation do for 
rural health? 

Scarce As Hens' Teeth 

I was raised in Manhattan. Our family 
doctor lived on the next block. I learned in 
childhood that there were people who went 
without doctoring because they had no 
money, but I never imagined that lots of 
people lived where getting a doctor was as 
hard as the task of the blind man in a dark 
cellar, hunting for a black cat that isn't 
there. I was approaching college age before 
I found that many of our neighbors were 
wrong in feeling that the United States 
was bounded on the north by Grant's 
Tomb, on the south by Coney Island, on 
the East by Westminster Abbey, and on the 
west by the Hudson River. 

Many of our health planners and most of 
the policy-makers of professional associa- 
tions have been city people to whom this 
kind of geography is intuitive, with varia- 
tions to fit Chicago, Boston, and other well- 
lighted spots. 

The facts of rural medical care did not 
come by intuition to the Illinois family 
whose father told me: "When my wife had 
pneumonia we had the doctor out twice. 
He charged us only three dollars a visit, 
but we had .to pay him mileage and a dol- 
lar a mile, twelve miles out, made it fifteen 
dollars a time. All the cash I take in isn't 
over $600 in a year." 

"With the war on," said an Indiana 
woman at the Farm Foundation Confer- 
ence last spring, "many doctors just can't 
make home calls. One of our family sent 
home after a major operation in a hospital, 
had to be bundled up and taken miles to 
the doctor's office for after-care. She had 
an appointment and he saw her, but she 
had to wait for ten other patients first." 

"With rural dentists always short and 
the war making them shorter," added an 
Indiana man, "you can get a date with a 
dentist in something like three months, ;/ 
you \now the dentist'' 

"What shall we do in a county with 
over 15,000 people and only two doctors?" 


Third in the series by the chairman 
of the committee on Research in Medical 
Economics, and associate editor of Sur- 
vey Graphic. 

writes a health officer from Kentucky. 
"What will happen to our health," asks an 
Alabama doctor, "where sixty-four out of 
the sixty-seven counties have more than 1,- 
600 people for each active physician, and 
eighteen counties have more than 3,000?" 
Bear in mind that one doctor per 1,500 per- 
sons is the "generally accepted wartime 
minimum for civilian safety." By the end 
of 1943, with 50,000 doctors taken into the 
armed forces, draining rural areas exces- 
sively, there were 795 out of our 3,070 
counties with less than one active doctor 
for 8,000 people. 

In such states as Nebraska and the Da- 
kotas the doctor shortage is even worse, 
outside of a few cities. And in our na- 
tional cake-basket, Iowa, the villages and 
farm areas just before the war had only a 
third as many doctors in proportion to 
population as the city of Des Moines, and 
these localities were spending less than a 
cent per capita for public health work. 
Adequate preventive service needs over one 
hundred times that. Over 1,300 counties, 
mostly rural, have no health department 
with a full time health officer. 

The Lures of the City 

Part of this picture is economic. In 1940, 
half of all the farm families in the United 
States had incomes below $760 a year, and 
the incomes of a third were under $500.' 
In the same year, the median income for 
city families was over $1,850. 

It is no wonder that of the young army 
doctors who answered an American Medi- 
cal Association questionnaire last year, 
barely 13 percent said they would locate in 
rural areas after demobilization. The cause 
of this decision is only partly a matter of 
money. The modern young doctor wants a 
hospital as well as a handbag. Furthermore, 
half the annual crop of physicians is raised 
in big-city medical schools in Massachu- 
setts, New York, Pennsylvania. Illinois, and 
California. On the other hand, there are 
no medical graduates from nineteen rural 
states. Before the war, most medical gradu- 
ates preferred to start their careers in the 
type of well-to-do state in which they had 
been trained. The number of physicians in 
proportion to population was increasing in 
these states and actually diminishing in 
most others. Varying state medical license 
laws hinder the location and relocation of 
doctors. Thus we have been letting our 
rural health clocks run down. 

IJon't blame young doctors! You would 
not advise a young friend who had spent 
his first twenty-seven years obtaining a 
inedical education to start his life-work 
where he would face the frustrations of 
both low income and inability to do the 
quality job he was trained for. The ways 
of present medical training and the reason- 
able pursuit of professional and financial 
opportunities put most young doctors into 
the net of city specialism. 

For a generation, the medical schools 
have been concentrating on a quality job 
on training for skills. The foundations and 
many state governments have aided them. 
Each has spun its own thread. Nobody has 
woven a pattern of cloth to fit the nation's 

Concentrating on Quality 

Alone among the professional organiza- 
tions, the American Public Health Associa- 
tion has made a pattern of preventive med- 
icine for the United States, a pattern for 
distributing preventive facilities and per- 
sonnel, quantitatively planned and admin- 
istratively tested, and now awaiting only 
increased appropriations from national and 
state governments to effectuate it. Organ- 
ized medicine, dentistry, and nursing have 
concentrated for a generation on quality of 
practitioner skills, educational standards, 
specialist requirements a primary job in- 
deed, during a period of unprecedented 
scientific and technical advance. 

So have the hospital bodies. For nearly 
twenty years, the Duke Endowment aided 
the construction and maintenance of hospi- 
tals in North Carolina. Yet in 1940 when 
73 percent of the state's population resided 
in rural areas, only 31 percent of the state's 
physicians lived there to serve them and 
the actual number of rural doctors had 
dropped by 50 percent in twenty-five years. 
The results might have been very different 
if the Duke Endowment's aid to hospitals 
had been tied up on the one side with a 
regionally planned public health program 
and on the other side with popular and 
professional education. Concentration of 
this sort by several specialized agencies, 
each on a part of the job, now leaves con- 
siderable sections of this country without 
any modern tools of health. 

Hospitals Step Forward 

This year, the American Hospital As- 
sociation steps out in front with the Hill- 
Burton bill (S. 191) on which important 
hearings have taken place before the Sen- 
ate Educational and Labor Committee. The 
American Medical Association supports the 
bill, swallowing the pill of federal, aid to 
construction because of a feared dose of 
national health insurance. The bill provides 
for studies in each state by a state agency, 
with the help of the U. S. Public Health 

APRIL 1945 


Service, to chart needs for new, improved, 
or enlarged hospitals and for public health 
centers. It authorizes a federal appropria- 
tion of $100,000,000 to aid in the construc- 
tion of projects which fit the pattern of 
studied needs in the opinion of the sur- 
geon-general of the Public Health Service 
and of an advisory council to be composed 
chiefly of people "familiar with the opera- 
tion of hospitals." 

This bill is an imaginative advance to- 
ward statewide and district planning of 
interrelated large and small hospitals. On 
the other hand, its administrative provi- 
sions, as drafted, tie the hands of the sur- 
geon-general to a council which has more 
than advisory powers and which includes 
only professional people no representation 
of rural folk. And most of the poorer rural 
areas could not qualify for aid under the 
bill because they could not give the re- 
quired "reasonable assurance" of financial 
maintenance of the hospital. These areas 
cannot be supplied with either hospitals or 
doctors unless the problem of facilities and 
the problem of paying power are tackled 

The Farmer's Best Bait 

Unpredictable sickness costs fall more 
unevenly upon rural than upon city fami- 
lies. The reason is simply that a larger 
proportion of the medical care sought by 
farm and village folk is for the more seri- 
ous, more expensive cases. For this and for 
other reasons, the medical paying power of 
rural people would be especially boosted, 
as well as stabilized, if medical costs were 
paid on a budgeted basis. 

The key letters in solving the rural medi- 
cal problem are: P & P, standing for both 
Prepayment and Paying Power. The key 
idea in extending rural P & P is to spread 
medical costs over as wide an area and as 
many people as possible. One hundred or 
two hundred families joining a voluntary 
prepayment plan are too few to make 
P & P count. A population mostly of mar- 
ginal farmers or sharecroppers is too poor 
to make P & P practicable. Even 6 percent 
of the median cash rural income of $760 is 
only $45.60, too little to pay for the services 
of physicians and hospitals for a family. A 
nationwide P & P will minimize the 
amount of tax subsidy required for rural 
areas and will maximize the extent of self- 
supported medical care. 

Should places like Erie County, New 
York, be ready to enter a national P & P 
pool with counties in Georgia or Nebraska 
that have about one fifth Erie County's per 
capita wealth? The answer is: Y because 
(in addition to other reasons) a good many 
of the workers in Erie County's industries 
will be drawn from men and women raised 
in just such poor counties. 

Consider the matter first from the doc- 
tors' angle, second from the point of view 
of rural people and their agencies. As to 
the doctors, they can only be assured an 
income in most rural localities through 
either prepayment or tax subsidy. And if 
modern-trained doctors are to be attracted 
and held, they must have hospitals and 

educational facilities as well as assurance 
of income. Within the next few years doc- 
tors will be demobilized from war service. 
Then will come the unique opportunity 
to attract to rural areas many of the 20,000 
young doctors who will begin their civilian 
professional careers at that time. 

What will be done depends mostly on 
what the rural people themselves will do. 
Rural people must seek if they are to find. 
Farmers must go fishing for doctors. Their 
best bait is P & P, although they must use 
the other lures also. Local initiative by 
farm people is essential, through branches 
of Farm Bureaus, the Farmers Union, the 
Grange, and other bodies. Local action is 
the foundation for nationwide action. But 
a multitude of local fishing parties will 
catch only a few scattered fish. State and 
national farm leaders must recognize the 
necessity of district, state, and nationwide 
planning of services, and of national pool- 
ing of costs, under conditions which retain 
substantial local responsibility. 

Farmer Brown Must Be Served 

During the last ten years, notable prog- 
ress has been made towards national action. 
Since 1935, federal funds to develop local 
health departments and maternity and chil- 
dren's services, with and through the states, 
have brought excellent results and wide- 
spread acceptance. Today, in 1945, federal 
assistance to hospital planning and con- 
struction is accepted by the American Hos- 
pital Association and the American Medi- 
cal Association and may be adopted by 
Congress. A third principle, federal aid 
for the care of needy persons, is now ef- 
fectuated for some categories of people, in- 
cluding medical care for migrant farm 
workers. Its extension is advocated by the 
American Hospital Association and is ac- 
cepted by the American Medical Associa- 
tion with the characteristic proviso that 
need should be determined "locally." 

Ahead of us lie acceptance of two other 
policies of national action for health: first, 
national provision to help farmers fish for 
doctors at the time of medical demobili- 
zation; second, nationwide spreading of the 
medical costs that can be met by self-sup- 
porting people through contributory insur- 

1. To help rural people fish for doctors 
there must be a national agency, perhaps the 
prospective Office of Rural Health Services 
in the Department of Agriculture. Work- 
ing through local and state agencies, this 
national body must aid rural localities and 
farmers' associations to estimate their needs 
and organize their opportunities. The same 
agency, working on the other side, with 
the American Medical Association and 
other professional groups (including the 
Procurement and Assignment Service, if 
that is continued) must inform doctors 
about rural opportunities and assist doctors 
to take advantage of them. 

The doctors must be attracted, not as- 
signed. The information must flow to them 
from a national source, because most of the 
rural states have no potential supply of 

young doctors trained within their borders. 
The interests and the idealism of the doc- 
tors themselves must be tapped. The As- 
sociation of Internes and Medical Students 
and perhaps other agencies should obtain 
the names of young doctors who are ready 
to go to country Districts, individually or 
in small teams, under financial and pro 
fessional conditions which these young men 
should be invited to specify. 

2. To spread medical costs, rural 
pie should establish P & P as far as the 
can, should demand legislation as far 
they will, and should remember that while 
the short-run test is to satisfy Farmer 
Brown and his wife, the long-run footrule 
is service to fifty-seven million people. 
Sr P for hospitalization only will not take 
farmers far. Blue Cross plans have made 
little headway in some rural areas anc 
some Farm Bureaus have included hospital- 
ization with other benefits in their 
group insurance plans. But spreading he 
pital costs alone will not meet the primary 
rural medical requirement. That require 
ment is a local doctor available to diagno* 
and treat sickness before it is seriou 
enough to necessitate a hospital. 

The Farm's Prime Crop 

The rural problem is varied. Thus the 
bait of the fishing parties and the organi- 
zation of the medical services in a section 
of family-sized farms will be different from 
those in cotton or fruit country with 
large scale industrialized farming. The 
sparse population of grazing and dry-farm- 
ing areas, the low income farms on margi- 
nal soil, sections with many tenants and 
sharecroppers, present other rural types. 

Good-sized industries in trading centers 
serving rural areas are yet another sort, 
wherein medical services to the country 
people might be had by extending an in- 
dustrial plan like Henry Kaiser's or the 
Standard Oil Company's of Louisiana. In 
some places, a country or district health 
department might be the center of the 
medical care program. 

These varieties preclude any uniform 
pattern of action, but all the patterns are 
based on uniform principles, diversely ap- 
plied. And all the principles and many of 
the patterns have been already demon- 
strated in action in this country or in Can- 

Rural people have been shocked to learn 
that farm boys show the highest selective 
service rejection rates. They are catching 
on to such facts as these: that a hernia can 
cause a farm's failure no less than a 
drought; that rural deathrates are high 
from ~the very ills that medicine can now 
prevent or control typhoid fever, pneu- 
monia, malaria, diseases of infancy, condi- 
tions of childbirth. 

Through three war seasons farmers have 
fought in sun and storm to raise bumper 
crops for us and for our Allies. For over a 
decade, farm organizations have sought 
and had national help to raise better crops 
at bigger prices. Now it is time to combine 
local and national action to raise men. 



They Can Be Made Over 

The story of a public school and its long record in using friendliness and 
understanding to turn delinquent boys into sound, useful young citizens. 

outside of New York's P.S. 37 to suggest 
that it is one of the most remarkable public 
schools in the country. If you enter it, how- 
ever, you begin to see that it is a distinctive 

Boys passing in the halls smile and say 
"Good morning," with warm, unexpected 
friendliness. The classroom where you are 
taken by the principal, Mrs. Lillian L. 
Rashkis, is decorated with homemade 
murals, and clean enough to satisfy a 
Danish sea captain. A boy proudly brings 
out the bottle of lemon oil they use to 
polish their desks; another suggests that the 
desks be opened to show how they are kept. 
And as you leave, the pint-size youth who 
opens the door invites you to come again, 
with the air of a sincere and friendly host. 

The guest who arrives on a Thursday 
morning is likely to visit the school as- 
sembly. Here two hundred and fifty boys 
listen to the speaker with absorbed atten- 
tion; then fire questions which indicate a 
breadth of information quite unexpected in 
a school that ranges in grade from 5A to 
SB. A number of nationalities are repre- 
sented; many of the boys are colored. One 
is impressed, however, with two outstand- 
ing facts. There is not a bored or sullen 
face in the room, and there is not a boy 
who fails to make a neat appearance. A 
school, the visitor might think, especially 
geared for boys with unusually high IQs 
and excellent deportment records. 

The Boys and Their Records 

As a matter of fact, the enrollment of 
P.S. 37 is drawn entirely from the most 
uncontrollable behavior cases in the schools 
of Manhattan and the Bronx. These boys 
have led predatory gangs, beaten or even 
knifed other children, constantly played 
truant, assaulted teachers, committed van- 
dalism, and kept classrooms in a perpetual 
uproar. At least half have had court ex- 
perience and many were sent to P.S. 37 
as a last resort before commitment to cor- 
rectional institutions. 

Mrs. Rashkis and her teachers have de- 
veloped out of this raw material a school 
where the standards of interest, courtesy, 
and good behavior are considerably above 
average. According to Judge Juvenal Mar- 
chisio of the New York Domestic Relations 
Court, the school salvages more than 90 
percent of its pupils, saving for good citi- 
zenship boys who might otherwise have 
gone on to reform school and eventually to 

These results are not due to miracles but 
to wisely applied psychology, seasoned with 
tact and warm human sympathy. Mrs. 
Rashkis says that the rehabilitation of her 
boys depends on treating them like people 
entitled to respect; making them feel well 


By a free-lance reporter whose back- 
ground includes the University of Cali- 
fornia, three years in China, a busy 
stretch as feature writer and columnist 
on the old New York World. Since the 
demise of the World she has handled 
magazine assignments as far apart in 
theme and geography as an interview 
with Prime Minister DeValera in Ire- 
land, and a study of the Matanuska 
Colony in Alaska. 

liked and wanted; finding something at 
which they can be successful; and discover- 
ing some way in which they can serve 

A boy is transferred to P.S. 37 by court 
order, by the Bureau of Attendance, or by 
one of the district superintendents of 
schools. Usually he arrives under convoy of 
a truant officer, with none too clean shirt 
open at the neck and a surly, defiant look. 
He expects this to be a tough school, 
worthy of his fanciest misconduct. 

Newcomer in a New School 

But when he enters his assigned class he 
is baffled. It is a small class about sixteen 
boys with the desks arranged in an in- 
formal circle. The boys already there actu- 
ally seem to be interested in their work. 
Feeling a little self-conscious, the newcomer 
tries out a Bronx cheer. To his amazement 
it is the other boys, rather than the teacher, 
who shush him down. "Kid stuff" is what 
a class committee calls his antics when its 
members accost him at recess. 

The new boy soon discovers that his way 
of attracting attention by misbehavior no 
longer works. Nor can he win any laurels 
by boasting about his record, for there are 
boys here who can match or exceed almost 
any record of youthful transgressions. The 
unwholesome props that have been sustain- 
ing his ego suddenly collapse. But this is 
only the first step. 

"The most important thing is to find 
something in which he can be successful," 
Mrs. Rashkis said. "Up to now these boys 
have known nothing but criticism; they 
feel that nobody wants them or likes them." 

One sullen, suspicious boy was compli- 
mented on the expert way he knotted his 
tie, and was asked to help the younger boys 
with theirs. This chance to be proud of 
something was the first step toward a com- 
plete change in the boy's character. 

Soon after a pupil is admitted he is tested 
by a psychiatrist and a psychologist from 
the Child Guidance Bureau. A home visitor 
calls on his family. Their findings are pre- 
sented at a conference attended by the prin- 
cipal and his teachers. The causes of the 
boy's difficulty are discussed, his abilities 
and character traits are analyzed, and a plan 

is worked out for his rehabilitation. 

In nine out of ten cases the blame rests 
not on the boy himself but obviously on his 
parents. Of sixty-five boys recently studied, 
only four had homes that were satisfactory. 
Again and again the reports show squalor, 
indifference, lack of understanding, cruel 
treatment, perpetual family rows, divorce, 
and parents who seldom manage to be at 
home. By no means all the boys come from 
backgrounds of poverty. There are neurotic 
parents, emotional strain, and the deadly 
habit of ignoring one child and favoring 
another in homes with scalloped chintz 
curtains and Grade A milk. 

Three Boys and Their Problems 

How the school starts its rehabilitation 
can be illustrated by the case of fourteen- 
year-old Frank. At first he was a sorry- 
looking specimen. His eyes blinked con- 
stantly, and his body twitched as if pulled 
by invisible wires. The boy's record showed 
that he shouted in class, used foul language, 
and was hated and feared by his school- 
mates. His home, the school's visitor dis- 
covered, was nicely kept and the family 
was not uneducated. The difficulty was that 
his father behaved like an Indian potentate, 
demanding instant, cringing obedience from 
his son and severely beating him if he so 
much as hesitated. The boy's form of pro- 
test was his behavior in school. 

Frank had ability to draw, but his only 
subjects, the psychologist soon learned, were 
skeletons, coffins, and graveyards. At P.S. 
37 he was assigned to the project of making 
a mural for his classroom, showing scenes 
from colonial history. Driven by a desire 
to get the details of his picture correct, he 
advanced two years in reading ability with- 
in a few months. The praise he received 
for these achievements made a great change 
in the boy's disposition. The twitching soon 
disappeared. Later he even gained enough 
poise to address the school assembly. Al- 
though his home situation is still far from 
ideal, he has ceased to be a problem. 

A not uncommon mistake of parents was 
presented by the case of Solly, a Jewish boy 
from a comfortable middle-class home. For 
months in his old school he had refused 
to say a word in class, and his perpetually 
sneering attitude raised hob with morale. 

After he had been two weeks at P.S. 37, 
Mrs. Rashkis, seeming to choose him at 
random, made him her office boy. Set to 
work running errands and answering tele- 
phones, Solly became so interested he for- 
got he had not been talking to teachers. 

Within a week he told Mrs. Rashkis his 
story. He had a brilliant brother, destined 
for a professional career, who got all the 
new clothes and all his mother's concern 
and affection. "I just thought, 'What's the 
use of my trying to be anything?'" Solly 

APRIL 1945 


explained. Mrs. Rashkis convinced him that 
even if he did not enter a profession, he 
could serve society in other ways. Solly has 
since grown into a useful, well adjusted 
citizen. He is the owner of a small factory, 
and the father of a happy family. 

With boys who become behavior prob- 
lems, the usual tendency of teachers and 
parents is not to trust them with any re- 
sponsible job. Yet such a job often proves 
to be effective moral medicine. Take 
George, a boy who had failed to adjust him- 
self to his stepfather. His unhappiness at 
home was expressed in truancy and temper 
tantrums, to such an extent that six schools 
had dismissed him in a whirl of sparks. 

At P.S. 37 he showed his first sign of 
interest when Mrs. Rashkis asked the boys 
to suggest a good way of storing and dis- 
tributing the mid-morning milk. George's 
plan was accepted as the most efficient. 
"O.K.," he said. "I'll be here at seven 
o'clock every morning." He did the work 
faithfully, without missing a day, until he 

"George is a changed boy," his step- 
father wrote, after the youngster had taken 
on this responsibility. "He's actually happy. 
His temper tantrums have disappeared." 

Another boy, well known to the truant 
officers, was given a job running magic 
lanterns and moving-picture machines. He 
went through two terms without being late 
or absent once. Asked about his good rec- 
ord, he said: "Well, I never was in a school 
before where they really needed me." 

Meet the Principal 

Nerve center of the school is its princi- 
pal, Mrs. Rashkis. A mature and warm- 
hearted woman, sympathetic but not senti- 
mental, she can get down to a boy's level, 
see his point of view, and penetrate the 
shield he tries to raise between himself 
and the adult world. One boy came into 
her office to announce that his sister was 
getting married next day "to a swell guy 
in a band," and that he was going to bring 
the teachers some wedding cake. Another 
proudly carried in a sewing table that he 
had just made for his mother in the wood- 
working class. It was difficult to believe 
that these friendly, self-respecting pupiK 
had once been the warped rowdies de- 
scribed in the records. 

The evolution of P.S. 37 began eighty- 
eight years ago, when New York estab- 
lished its first special school for "idle and 
truant children." Since that time several 
similar schools have opened and later gone 
out of existence. Through their long and 
complicated history ran a thread of failure, 
due to the use of principles now outmoded. 
But more enlightened methods were de- 
veloped; and in 1912, P.S. 120 was made a 
probationary school with emphasis on in- 
telligence and achievement tests, training 
along the lines of the pupil's aptitudes, and 
encouragement of habits of courtesy and in- 
dustry. Later, when this school was closed, 
most of its pupils were transferred to P.S. 

Since Mrs. Rashkis took over in 1930, 
there have been further improvements, due 
in large part to growing knowledge about 
the psychology of childhood and adoles- 

cence. There has been, too, a large measure 
of success. The methods by which the 
school redeems its maladjusted boys cannot 
be dismissed as experimental; they have 
been tested for too many years. 

To be a P.S. 37 boy was once considered 
a disgrace. Mrs. Rashkis set out nearly 

Lillian L. Rashkis, principal of P.S. 37 

fifteen years ago to make attendance there 
a matter of pride. She interested the boys 
in decorating the walls, polishing their 
desks, and keeping the halls in spotless con- 
dition. The delight these maladjusted lads 
took in attractive surroundings was pa- 

Soon such improvements began to be re- 
flected in the neater appearance of the boys 
themselves. Today, many of them wash 
and iron their own shirts. Pupils with extra 
neckties bring them to school for those who 
have none. Improvement in a boy's ap- 
pearance has an almost miraculous in- 
fluence on his self-confidence and self- 

A New Curriculum 

One of the problems at P.S. 37 has been 
to make class work interesting. The present 
curriculum was the result of careful stud) 
by the school staff, by authorities in the 
New York City system, and by an advisory 
committee of nationally known educators 
and psychologists. Evidently they accom- 
plished their purpose. The attendance rec- 
ords of P.S. 37 compare well with those of 
other schools, even though some of the 
pupils drawn from all parts of Manhat- 
tan and the Bronx travel over an hour a 
day each way. 

You would hardly imagine that studying 
"The American Home" would appeal to 
sixth-grade boys who had been the most 
conspicuous hornets in the New York 
school system. Yet no class I visited demon- 
strated greater interest. Small-fry crowded 
around to show me a model wigwam, dia- 
grams of housing developments, and a two- 
story miniature house they had made, com- 
plete down to the last baking pan. Many of 
the boys have carried the instruction into 
their own homes by painting and repairing 

furniture, making window-boxes, and rais- 
ing the family standards of order and 

There is special training in nutrition, 
because improper food can have a great 
deal to do with anti-social behavior. The 
staff early discovered that breakfast for a 
number of the boys consisted of two or 
three cents' worth of candy, bought on the 
way to school. In some unsupervised house- 
holds the boys had only sandwiches for 
dinner, or perhaps a couple of ice-cream 

To improve the situation, the teachers 
prepared a model breakfast for the pupils: 
fruit, milk, and cereal. The mothers were 
told about it; then invited to take a nutri- 
tion course. Better nourishment has meant 
less illness, less nervousness, and greater 
emotional stability. 

About 15 percent of the boys who enter 
the school lisp or stutter, conditions which 
frequently go with emotional maladjust- 
ment. A teacher trained in speech improve- 
ment helps them to overcame their handi- 
caps; then public-speaking practice gives 
poise and self-confidence, and relief from 
emotional pressure. 

Assembly periods furnish a means of 
blowing off steam. Every Monday, school 
problems and standards are discussed with 
the give-and-take of a New England town 
meeting. The boys learn to respect other 
people's opinions and to disagree without 
resorting to knuckle-dusters. These as- 
semblies are impressive. Drums roll during 
the lusty singing of "The Star Spangled 
Banner"; a bugle and a color guard add to 
the impressiveness of the salute to the flag. 
The SB classes enter to the strains of "Pomp 
and Circumstance," with all the dignity of 
the United States Supreme Court. Some 
of these big boys had been bullies in their 
former schools, but the prestige they enjoy 
here brings about an amazing change of 

Learning to Look Ahead 

Dealing, as it does, with boys who might 
so easily have drifted into crime, P.S. 37 
places great emphasis on vocational guid- 
ance and training. Every pupil's aptitudes 
are studied by a psychologist. The wood- 
working shop and the printing shop are 
not mere expressions of "manual training"; 
they have prepared many a boy for a good 
job or for advanced work at vocational 
high school. Pupils also learn to operate 
and repair motion picture machines, do 
clerical work, and develop other skills thai 
can help them earn a living. The older 
boys are encouraged to take jobs after 
school. Earning money adds to their self- 
respect, and working leaves them little time 
for hanging out with neighborhood gangs. 

The class on Social, Character, and Voca- 
tional Guidance, conducted by Mrs. Rash- 
kis, is one of the school's most extraordi- 
nary features. Here the boys learn to be 
courteous. They learn to write convincing 
answers to advertisements. They praqfice 
applying for jobs in turn, with a member 
of the class serving as employer and the 
rest of them sitting in as critics. 

Above all, they consider ways and means 
of making themselves eligible for the work 



tAey want. Mrs. Rashkis encourages them 
to take a long view, and to resist the easy 
wartime money offered by dead-end jobs. 
When I visited the class, the pupils were 
selecting want ads that they might be 
equipped to answer ten years from now, 
and working out ways of preparing them- 

"What kind of life do you want to live?" 
is a question that frequently brings reveal- 
ing answers. One pupil said that he wanted 
to take a course in electric wiring; then 
get a job on a boat and spend the rest of 
his life going from port to port, without 
ever stopping anywhere for more than a 
few days. This ambition highlighted the 
boy's profound unhappiness and sense of 
insecurity. A broken home, experience in 
an orphanage, and difficulties with his step- 
father had shattered his faith in the world 
and been responsible for his delinquency. 
The principal and the home visitor helped 
his mother to see the boy's problem, and 
later brought about a better family adjust- 

Pupils in this class read the lives of 
Booker T. Washington, George Washing- 
ton Carver, Michael Pupin, Helen Keller, 
Edward Bok, and others who achieved suc- 
cess in the face of extraordinary difficulties. 
In a self-evaluation test, the boys list the 
outstanding traits that produced the success 

and then analyze their own characters in 
accordance with these standards. Mrs. 
Rashkis leads the discussion by describing 
faults of her own and how she endeavors to 
overcome them. The boys then show little 
hesitation in talking about their own weak- 
nesses and shortcomings. 

Here again, the revelations are often 
significant. One boy admitted that he had 
a bad temper. "But I don't want to cure 
it," he had said. "I want it to get worse 
and worse, until I get to the point where 
I'll find my father and kill him." 

His father, it developed, had deserted the 
family, and his mother had wrecked her 
health in a struggle for a livelihood. The 
solution lay in having the father located 
through the Family Court. Now that he is 
obliged to contribute regularly, his son no 
longer feels a strong urge toward retribu- 
tion, and is in a much better frame of 
mind. He is eagerly training himself for a 
good job, so that he can help out later on 
with the family support. 

Character building is also promoted by 
daily "adjustment periods." Each teacher 
is available forty-five minutes a day for pri- 
vate sessions with pupils who want guid- 
ance and advice. Boys bring in all sorts of 
troubles. The fact that they have a sym- 
pathetic person to listen to them eases their 
minds and improves their attitudes, even if 

the remedy lies beyond the teacher's scope. 
Behavior and Health 

Because experience at P.S. 37 has shown 
that bad behavior is often related to im- 
paired health, the boys are given careful 
and frequent medical examinations and, if 
necessary, treatment at local clinics or hos- 
pitals is arranged. The staff makes every 
effort to correct or offset physical handi- 
caps. They know that the boy with poor 
eyesight sometimes becomes a center of 
mischief because he is unable to follow the 
work of the class, and that the overgrown 
pupil suffers from association with smaller 
classmates. Embittered by ridicule, the boy 
with an obvious disfigurement may become 
a prime example of meanness and cruelty. 

A boy of ten, who looked sixteen, came 
to the school with a "hot" behavior record. 
If he had been put in the grade for which 
he was qualified, he would have had to 
associate with the smallest boys in the 
school. But it was just such a situation that 
had turned him into an uncontrollable 
trouble-maker. Therefore he was placed in 
a class with boys his own size, and given 
reading instruction away from the others, 
so that he could keep within hailing dis- 
tance of their work. Since he was no longer 
conspicuous, the traits that had made him 
(Continued on page 139) 

PM Photo 

History is fun at P.S. 37. Here pupils are learning how our country grew as they cut out and fit together parts of the map 
APRIL 1945 


-?ij -<v-- -. 
; -te<--/-^rv^vPr 

Women Political Workers. By Wang Jen-feng 


The striking woodcut on the cover of this issue and the prints reproduced 
here will appear in "China in Black and White," an album of some eighty 
wartime woodcuts by contemporary Chinese artists, with commentary by 
Pearl S. Buck. The book is to be brought out shortly by the Asia Press, a 
new publishing firm affiliated with the John Day Company. 

Railway Bridge. By Liang Yung-tai 

Putting Up Posters. By Chu Ming-kang 



The West and the Far East 



in the complicated political and economic 
affairs of the Far East has been accelerated 
considerably since Joseph C. Grew pub- 
lished his detailed report of the attempts of 
the State Department to stem the creeping 
imperialism of Japan. Save for the Pacific 
Coast, which had long resented the com- 
petition of Japanese farmers, the United 
States generally Nvas not deeply interested. 
Until Pearl Harbor it did not lose sleep 
over the Japanese naval and military might. 
There is still an impression that the 
Japanese are religious fanatics, fighting a 
holy war for their emperor, rather than 
shrewd, calculating businessmen trying to 
dominate a great commercial and industrial 
empire. Owen Lattimore, who has studied 
both the commercial and the political is- 
sues in the Far East, informs us about the 
latter phase in his new book, "Solution in 
Asia." (Little, Brown. $2.) 

Time to Wake Up 

Mr. Lattimore's book is an alarm clock, 
intended to wake Americans to political 
realities in the Far East, and the staccato 
manner in which he makes his unequivocal 
statements is like the pounding of the ham- 
mer on the bell. He has a number of aims: 
to show how the United States, by its ad- 
herence to the principle of extraterritoriality 
in China, connived at certain doubtful 
practices of the Japanese; to argue that 
whatever our intentions independently of 
Britain and The Netherlands, we shall be 
judged by the policy of the coalition toward 
former colonies and China; and to point 
out that "the great historical age of im- 
perialism" is ending and that we must 
adapt ourselves to the change by evolution- 
ary methods, or suffer an eventual revolu- 
tion that will bring it about by force. This 
involves also the development of a specific 
policy toward Japan. 

Mr. Lattimore is convinced that while 
Japan has come too late to exploit Asia 
along imperialistic lines, the United States 
will be forced by events to drop imperialis- 
tic designs before they have been fully de- 
veloped. The main reason is the impact of 
Russia on the old order and the tendency 
of all colonial peoples to become part of 
"the freedom bloc." 

He asserts that there will be no cooling- 
off period in which the United States can 
make up its mind; it must do so now. He 
wants cooperative action on all questions 
by the big powers, bringing Russia into the 
Far Eastern discussion and making "a 

(All boo\s 

workable reality" out of the Dumbarton 
Oaks draft for a world organization and 
the Bretton Woods draft for an interna- 
tional monetary fund and an international 
bank for reconstruction and development. 

China naturally occupies a large part of 
his discussion. He believes communist 
China has proved its ability to serve the 
peasants and, in limiting communist mem- 
bership in governing bodies and councils 
to one third of the total membership, has 
taken "the most positive step by any party 
away from dictatorship and toward de- 
mocracy." He believes democracy better 
served in these regions than under the 
Kuomintang. However, he believes the 
communists are not strong enough to nomi- 
nate a candidate for president of China and 
that Chiang Kai-shek would be nominated 
by a coalition government. 

He also denies that China is unable to 
play an important part in the coming of- 
fensive against Japan. The guerillas will be 
of great importance, and "the fact that 
political morale can be restored in China 
should never be left out of military calcula- 

It is evident that Mr. Lattimore believes 
the democracy of the capitalist nations will 
be put to the test in Asia. If they continue 
to exploit the weaker countries and use 
them solely "as an area of overflow for our 
surplus energies," these countries will turn 
for political help and capital to Russia. Mr. 
Lattimore thinks our failure in Asia would 
doom the cooperative world order as well 
as the peace. He would not tolerate the 
taking of islands, even for strategic reasons. 
His comment on how to bring illumination 
to our partners in the United Nations is 
especially astute; he thinks our good ex- 
ample must show the way to Great Britain, 
France, and The Netherlands, which might 
be inclined to restore the prewar situation. 

Pacific Policies of the Future 

Thomas Arthur Bisson, research associate 
of the international secretariat of the In- 
stitute of Pacific Relations, backs up Mr. 
Lattimore in "America's Far Eastern 
Policy" (distributed by Macmillan. $3), 
although he is less interested in driving 
arguments home to the layman. Mr. Bis- 
son rehearses the development of our rela- 
tions with Asia and observes also the need 
for an agreement on policy for Southeast 
Asia by Great Britain, France, The Nether- 
lands, and the United States. 

He believes prewar conditions have been 
changed to some extent by the American 
ordered through Survey Associates, Inc., will 

willingness to free the Filipinos and the 
Dutch proposal for a commonwealth of 
the East Indies, but that India and Burma 
still pose great problems. He agrees, too, 
that the United States and the Soviet Union 
will have great influence on Pacific policies 
of the future and that China will take the 
place of Japan as the premier Far Eastern 
representative in the new organization. 

It is worth noting that both Mr. Latti- 
more and Mr. Bisson are agreed that root- 
ing out the military caste in Japan is not 
enough. The monopolies and the emperor, 
who is closely associated with industrial 
and commercial extension, must be re- 
moved. Mr. Bisson writes: "The hard 
inner core of the imperial ideology is ab- 
solutist, aggressive, and essentially inimical 
to democratic concepts." 

"Abolition of the institution is a task for 
the Japanese people, acting under a "leader- 
ship that cannot derive from the old 
regime," he states. Mr. Lattimore is em- 
phatic in declaring that the emperor must 
not be removed by the victors, but by the 
Japanese, and seems to have no doubt that 
an opposition will arise after defeat. Mr. 
Bisson says such forces "will certainly 
emerge in Japan during the last stages of 
the war or after defeat," and thinks they 
will have to be left of center in order to 
accomplish the needed reforms. 

China's Contribution 

China's political and economic problems 
are considered realistically by David Nelson 
Rowe, research associate of the Yale In- 
stitute of International Studies in "China 
Among the Powers," (Harcourt, Brace. 
$2). The author knows China from first- 
hand experience and was there as late as 

Mr. Rowc is interested in determining ex- 
actly what help China will be to the 
United Nations, not only in finishing the 
war but in helping to guarantee peace and 
security in the Pacific. It is necessary to 
understand the Chinese situation to judge 
the extent of American policing of the Far 
East in the next generation. 

Mr. Rowe's book is the most serious of 
the three. He does not have Mr. Latti- 
more's precise convictions and assurance. 
He sees that many difficult years lie ahead. 
The business of keeping 75,000,000 Japan- 
ese tied down in their islands to do work 
that does not affect the economy of other 
nations or lead to war is going to be one of 
the biggest tasks in history. 

(Continued on page 132) 
be postpaid) 

The industrial development of China is 
a condition of China's ability to arm itself 
and help police Asia. Mr. Rovve goes into 
the questions of raw materials and person- 
nel and concludes that a long range pro- 
gram of training youths in mechanical tech- 
niques must be begun and that the super- 
abundance of cheap labor militates against 
the creation of a large body of skilled in- 
dustrial workers. 

China has many virtues and many dis- 
abilities, and while it may be made an 
equal partner of the nations that must 
guide the destinies of the Far East, it will 
not be able to carry its full military or in- 
dustrial load for many years. But Mr. 
Rovve believes the pragmatism of the Chin- 
ese will be most valuable and their in- 
dividualism will "exert its influence against 

the irrationalities of totalitarian etatism 
either communist or fascist." 

Mr. Rowe proposes that one source of 
possible friction with Russia be removed by 
the cession of Outer Mongolia to Russia for 
an agreed price. "China has not had any 
effective control over this territory and its 
Mongol population for at least thirty 
years." He also suggests that the cause of 
peace will be served by the return of the 
Hong Kong territory. 

This book, as well as those by Mr. Latti- 
more and Mr. Bisson, indicate what grave 
problems of policy confront the United 
States in the Pacific, the most difficult of 
which will be the continued observation 
and restriction of Japan and the need of 
practicing democracy in the East if Japan 
is to become a democratic nation. 


edited by Hollington K. Tong. Macmillan. 

Forman. Holt. #3. 

Yutang. John Day. #2.75. 

Nym Wales. John Day. #2.75. 

TELL THE PEOPLE: Talks with James Yen 
about the Mass Education Movement, by 
Pearl S. Buck. John Day. #1.50. 

TREATY PORTS, by Hallett Abend. Double- 
day, Doran. #3. 

by Sherwood Eddy. Association Press. #1.50. 


China joins the host countries at the first 
conference of the United Nations in San 
Francisco. The China of the "Big Five" is 
neither the ancient Middle Kingdom nor 
the modern republic of which the Chinese 
merchants in San Francisco dreamed when 
they helped Sun Yat-sen overthrow the 
decayed Manchu dynasty. It is a China in 
the throes of change: a China that has dis- 
carded the cue, symbol of bondage; has 
unbound the feet of women; has thrown 
off the fetters of foreign control yet still 
is chained by too many obsolete institutions 
and attitudes to enjoy full freedom of 

Whether China is a "great po\ver"in fact 
or by courtesy only is of no importance. 
But what contribution China can make 
after the war to the maintenance of peace 
in the Western Pacific is of consequence to 
all the nations represented at the San Fran- 
cisco Conference. Her internal weakness 
too long has made her a focus of interna- 
tional rivalry, has encouraged Japan in a 
brutal quest of empire. Mr. Hansen is re- 
viewing some books that discuss the mili- 
tary and political consequences of this 
weakness. Here we shall briefly survey 
some of the spring publications which look 
at it more from the standpoint of the social 
engineer whose business it is to correct a 
faulty balance of stresses, to provide chan- 
nels for the free flow of the nation's vigor. 

Neglect of social ills, centuries old, ex- 
treme poverty, unjust agrarian and indus- 
trial relations no longer can be studied 

merely as passing phases in the history of 
a single people. They have come to hamper 
every genuine step toward world security. 
The threats to continuing peace in the com- 
ing years will not come from boundary dis- 
putes nor from inequality in the geographi- 
cal distribution of natural resources. They 
will come from the maintenance of arbi- 
trary limits to the aspirations of simple 
peasants and laborers. When the external 
aggressor in Asia has been defeated there 
will develop an internal front, in all the 
countries of that region, of those who seek 
the elementary satisfactions so long denied. 

As Seen from Chungking 

Because of this wider import, the discus- 
sion of China's social problems, like that of 
her political role, cannot take place entirely 
with the academic calm of objective in- 
quiry. In these days no book about China 
can be assumed to tell the whole story or 
give all sides of a particular controversy. 
American readers should abandon a fruit- 
less search for books about distant peoples 
that are both "reliable" and also charged 
with human interest. Public opinion in 
this country now is of decisive importance 
for the fate of others; to influence it no 
longer is an exceptional design of either 
foreign or native writers. For our own pro- 
tection we must learn to recognize the bias 
which is almost always there. We cannot 
afford to discard all books suspect of pro- 
paganda. Often they alone give us in read- 
able form what we want to know. And it 
is not really difficult to discern the ear- 
marks of propaganda, once we are on the 

The twelve pieces of Chinese and foreign 
authors which Hollington K. Tong, China's 
Vice-Minister of Information, has chosen to 
put before foreign readers are propaganda 
of the best sort. They do not pretend to be 
anything but the observations of writers 
who live in Chungking or elsewhere in 
Chungking-governed China and necessarily 
reflect the intellectual and social environ- 
ment in which they find themselves. All of 
the authors are skilled journalists; their 
writing is technically flawless. Here and 
there the reader will find criticism of the 
government, but not hostility. 

Some of the significant statements made 
in this book about wartime China certainly 
can be taken at their face value. For ex- 
ample, that the war has brought closer to- 
gether people from all walks of life is at- 
tested by too many illustrations to be 
doubted. The evidence that provincialism, 
one of the curses of old-time China, has 
been overcome to a remarkable extent is 
irrefutable. And, whatever one may hear 
about the increased power of rapacious 
landlords, there is circumstantial proof that 
from the civil servants down to the labor- 
ers all working members of society have 
hopes for the improvement of their lot 
in tangible forms and often including the 
reform of government. There has been a 
new and substantial rise in the status of 
women; but the legal protection of women 
workers remains exceedingly sketchy. Many 
of the other social advances, likewise, are 
as yet of psychological rather than material 

How professors and students have turned 
their knowledge and talents to new bread- 
winning uses, how the presence of Ameri- 
can soldiers has stimulated the study of 
English, how noise and bright lights con- 
tinue to give an illusion of gaiety, what a 
"good" mayor does to please his citizens, 
the cumbersome way in which wage scales 
are adapted to constantly changing costs, 
the peculiar increase in the demand for 
books, the heightened social role of the tea 
house these and many other topics are 
discussed in ways that indicate larger social 
changes. It is safe to conclude, for example, 
that the Chinese intellectuals are rather 
critical of the middle class and of foreign- 
ers. Although there are few glimpses of 
what they think of communists or collab- 
orationists, they show concern with the 
steps taken to implement the constitution. 

The Kungchantang Regime 

With the exactly opposite intent, namely 
that of "showing up" the one-party govern- 
ment of nationalist China and securing en- 
thusiastic response for the policies and prac- 
tices of the so-called communists (it would 
be better to adopt the term of Kungchan- 
tang for them, as contrasted with that of 
Kuomintang for the national party), Har- 
rison Forman tells of his journey last sum- 
mer to "Red China." This trip, it will be 
remembered, was made by a group of 
American newspapermen with the consent 
and aid of the national government, to se- 
cure firsthand information on the character 
of Kungchantang rule in those sections of 
China which the party controls and on the 
strategy of the separate war conducted by 
the Eighth Route Army. 

The book is lively and will be popular. 
No smallest cloud obscures the azure 
beauty of the Kungchantang regime, and 
no redeeming ray is allowed to fall into the 
villainous blackness of the Chungking gov- 
ernment. There is an astonishing likeness 
to some of the earlier American books 
about the "Soviet experiment" in Russia. 

Any reader interested in the truth about 
China will find it well worthwhile to watch 
for the earmarks of propaganda. He will 
find many accounts of experience too pat 
to carry conviction. The author continually 


happens upon meetings where speeches and 
discussions tell him exactly what he has 
> come to find out. They are couched in col- 
loquial American, with occidental phrases 
;md allusions. Soldiers, students, peasants, 
prisoners of war invariably reveal an at- 
titude that fits into the rosy picture he 
paints. Chinese from half a dozen prov- 
inces, Japanese prisoners, Koreans and 
Europeans converse without the slightest 
indication of difficulty in mutual under- 

Many factual statements are suspiciously 
improbable. And yet this account of war- 
time China is valuable. Even dramatized 
descriptions of guerrilla strategy give a 
sense of the sort of war that is being fought 
in North China. In spite of mutually con- 
tradictory statements by Kuomintang and 
Kungchantang leaders, we get a clue to the 
probable truth about the way in which the 
communists came by large amounts of 
Kuomintang weapons and equipment. An 
understandable portrait is painted of the 
"model" governor, Marshall Yen Hsi-shan. 
Two documents the 1941 election plat- 
form of the Border Region (communist) 
Political Bureau and the draft program of 
the (communist) Japanese People's Eman- 
cipation League are given in detail. We 
learn much incidentally about the psy- 
chology of farmers and students, soldiers 
and officials in a large part of China. 

Essayist in Politics 

Lin Yutang may be said, in his latest 
book, to add to yet another stream of pro- 
paganda directed at American public opin- 
ion. In some respects as critical of the 
national government of China as many 
Americans, he nevertheless defends it. He 
furiously attacks it detractors both at home 
and abroad. China's contemporary master 
of the light pen has found his very promi- 
nence makes it virtually impossible for tiim 
to keep out of politics. 

He is unhappy over the lack of candor 
with which the right and wrong of Chin- 
ese politics have been discussed. He is em- 
bittered by the unfairness of some of his 
country's critics who do not distinguish be- 
tween passing ills and problems inherent in 
the historical phase through which China 
is passing. He has permitted himself to be- 
come the instrument of a reactionary group 
in Chungking which is more concerned in 
denouncing the allegedly scditionist regime 
in North China than in helping to advance 
the inescapable reform el government and 
administration for all China. 

Mr. Lin has brought upon his head an 
avalanche of criticism by misjudging the 
American public. The "general reader" is 
no longer so naive as to swallow an enorm- 
ous dose of political invective sugar-coated 
with travelogue, anecdote, and amusing 
commentary. It is to be hoped that the new 
desire of all parties in China to get together 
in a workable compromise will soon make 
this unfortunate harangue obsolete and per- 
mit the genial essayist to return to more 
pleasant tasks. 

The Awakening Masses 

All recent books about China pay tribute 
to a new force in that country's internal 

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(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC 

life: the rise of the people to a more re- 
sponsible and purposeful role in the man- 
agement of their own affairs. Nym Wales 
(Mrs. Edgar Snow) displays this porten- 
tous development in its central manifesta- 
tion by describing the Chinese labor move- 
ment from its beginning to this day. This 
talented reporter has reinforced her field 
studies with extensive literary researches 
and has produced an account far superior 
to any previously available. Although some 
of the figures quoted from different author- 
ities remain mutually contradictory or im- 
plausible, she manages to recreate the pic- 
ture of a unique episode in China's social 

There the labor movement preceded in- 
dustrialization. Intolerable oppression dur- 
ing the last phase of the Manchu regime 
and the earlier phases of foreign enterprise 
in China transformed many of the old 
guilds into class-conscious trade unions. 
Long hours and diminutive cash wages 
could endure in small shops staffed with 
poor relations and "apprentices." But they 
were carried over into the realm of fac- 
tories, railway construction, shipping and 
port operation. Hence labor agitation at 
once became anti-foreign and political and 
was not geared to specific demands on 

Sun Yat-sen often is given credit for 
initiating those larger principles which 
merged many social discontents in a sub- 
stantial social movement. But in theory as 
well as in practice, the Chinese labor move- 
ment remained inchoate in his time, was 
held together more by mutual aid in strikes 
than by a clear-cut common policy. In later 
years the movement was first destroyed and 
then rebuilt by the Kuomintang, the na- 
tional party, as an appendix of its other 
agencies of power politics. An independent 
trade unionism was suppressed; it survived 
only as a subterranean force. Labor legisla- 
tion, though quite advanced, did not spring 
from the demands of free, organized work- 
ers, never was enforced or even enforce- 

Miss Wales departs sufficiently from her 
main theme to discuss the state of labor 
generally in wartorn China, the industrial 
cooperative movement (about which she 
has written another book), and the present 
state of labor legislation and welfare work. 
Her appended statistics, case histories of 
particular unions, biographies, and chro- 
nology of the labor movement are of spe- 
cial value to the student. 

Education to an End 

Pearl S. Buck, who so often goes to the 
heart of things, has taken advantage of the 
presence of James Yen in this country to 
obtain from him, by means of a series of 
interviews, an up-to-date account of the 
Mass Education Movement. Mr. Yen, as 
everybody knows, was propelled into a 
great social adventure by his experience 
during the First World War when it fell 
to him, as an American-educated YMCA 
worker, to look after the welfare of a large 
Chinese labor force in France. That ad- 
venture began as a personal conversion 
from the typical attitude of the Chinese 
scholar-gentlemen to one of love and re- 

spect for the laboring masses. It led 
through the years from concern over what 
seemed to be their greatest social handicap, 
their illiteracy, to a concern with the re- 
education of the most numerous people in 
the world. 

Miss Buck drew from Mr. Yen a coher- 
ent account of the movement from its be- 
ginning. She recognized, as she tells in the 
foreword, that there can be no real peace in 
the world while there are glaring inequal- 
ities of opportunity. Oppression and desti- 
tution will continue until the instruments 
of social self-protection are more evenly 
distributed. The principal instrument is 
that of education; and while the Chinese 
peasant always has had education of a sort, 
it does not suffice to protect him in these 
days of world prices and concentrated poli- 
tical control. He must know how to read, 
how to adapt the findings of scientific in- 
quiry to his own needs and resources, how 
to organize with his neighbors, how to pre- 
vent the recurrence of the old cycle be- 
tween over-population and famine, between 
over-confidence and epidemics. 

This book tells how inevitable was the 
transition from literacy as the early main 
concern of mass education to a curriculum 
as wide as the life and the problems of the 
Chinese peasant problems of production, 
hygiene, good government. Some of the 
campaigns which Mr. Yen and his friends 
started were later taken up by others. In- 
deed, his influence has reached parts of 
China where he has never worked. But the 
Mass Education Movement has remained 
the central stem of that educational ad- 
vance which is unbound by any ideology 
and therefore has commended itself to citi- 
zens and high officials of many political 

Its importance lies in the concrete tech- 
nical application to tasks which in so vast 
a country must differ materially from one 
place to another. It lies in the stimulated 
growth of an active sense of citizenship. 
What appealed especially to Generalissimo 
Chiang Kai-shek was that this educational 
movement did not alienate the educated 
villager from his country home but tended 
to keep him there as an apostle of the new 
knowledge and the New Life. 

The war has not stopped the organized 
movement of mass education but has ac- 
celerated its progress in many ways. More 
than ever its founder and leader looks upon 
it as part of a great international forward 
march of the common people in which the 
stronger ones must help the weak. 

Raconteur and Crusader 

The books by Hallett Abend and Sher- 
wood Eddy discuss recent events in China 
informally. Both authors are skilled essay- 
ists who know how to weave into readable 
strands their own experiences and their 
personal interpretations of men and move- 
ments. Mr. Abend, writing for the "Seaport 
Series," deals with the part which Shanghai 
and the lesser ports of China have played 
in the modern history of that country. He 
is not, however, primarily concerned with 
trade and shipping, but with the use which 
foreign powers have made of the treaty 
ports to force on China an economy that 


has distorted her social growth. He tells of 
life in these cities as a cynical American 
reporter who yet at heart sympathizes with 
the struggles of a great people in the throes 
of social change. Often amusing, this book 
is a good corrective for the sentimental 
nonsense about China which unsophisti- 
cated Americans have absorbed in such vast 
quantities of late. 

Sherwood Eddy, in a modest little vol- 
ume, presents "personal impressions from 
three decades with the Chinese." The cynic 
and the apologist here find their match in 
the gentle apostle of good will. Taking the 
long view, Dr. Eddy pictures scenes and 
personalities in a light that reveals a divint 
purpose in all that is human and frail in 

Some readers may be inclined to scoff at 
the importance which he attaches to the 
influence of Christian teaching on the mod- 
ern development of China. But, in retro- 
spect, the importance attached by other 
writers to that country's foreign trade or 
to its five-and-ten-year plans may appear 
even less realistic. Contemporaries cannot 
measure the impact of any one alien culture 
trait, whether material or religious. All one 
can say with certainty is that the YMCA 
and the churches have contributed not a 
little to China's greatest hope the emerg- 
ence of morally steadfast personalities. 


Research Associate, American Council 
Institute of Pacific Relations 

Fleisher. Doubleday, Doran. $2. 

are: that Hirohito be deposed but that the 
Imperial House should not be discontinued; 
that the constitution be revised so as to in- 
sure civilian control over the military ele- 
ment and the Privy Council; that the in- 
stitution of the Genro (or Council of ex- 
premiers) be abolished; that the party sys- 
tem be returned with an enlarged elec- 
torate (including votes for women); that 
Japan be stripped of all her conquests even 
beyond the recommendations contained in 
the Cairo agreement; that the Mandated 
Islands be placed under the supervision of 
a regional council, with the U.S.A. as the 
administrative power; that we should do a 
thorough job of occupying Japan and then 
get out as quickly as possible; that the 
Japanese army and military police be 
abolished, the Japanese navy sunk, and 
secret societies disbanded; that war crimi- 
nals should be punished (with banishment 
sufficing for Hirohito); that all of Japan's 
heavy industry and all her merchant fleet 
be destroyed and that she be deprived of 
the privilege of building new ships after 
the war; and that the form of Japan's 
internal economic structure be left to the 
determination of the Japanese people. 

The book abounds in sweeping general- 
ities and inconsistencies. It is well to call 
for the just postwar economic treatment of 
Japan, as Mr. Fleisher does, and to issue a 
wise and timely plea that the reorganiza- 
tion of Japan's internal economic system 
must be left to the Japanese themselves. 
But why go to extremes with a demand for 

In the 

off Chaos 

By Francesco Wilson 

A terrifyingly real picture of civilian 
suffering, displaced populations, 
disease and starvation, and of the 
work the Quakers have done to 
help innocent victims of war. In 
her engrossing personal recollec- 
tions, Francesca Wilson shows how 
foreign relief actually functions 
and describes many strange places 
and interesting people. $3.00 


After Seven 
Years of War 

Edited by Hollington K. Tong 

Seven authors who know China at 
first hand tell how the Chinese 
people look, think, live, and fight 
today. They picture concretely the 
economic, social, and cultural con- 
ditions of the China behind the 
headlines at a critical moment in 
her long history of resistance. 
Photographs. $2.00 

Far Eastern 

By T. A. Bisson 

"A clear, succinct and unerring ac- 
count of the events that led to 
Pearl Harbor. No more thorough- 
ly objective record of the period 
between 1900 and 1941 is- avail- 
able to the general public, and its 
value in clarifying the issues at 
stake in the Pacific war can hardly 
be overstated." New York Herald 
Tribune Book Review. $3.00 

The Macmillan Company 

60 Fifth Avenue New York 11 

the complete destruction of all heavy in- 
dustry, the destruction of Japan's entire 
merchant fleet, and removal of the right to 
build new merchant vessels? Can 80,000,- 
000 persons, heavily dependent on foreign 
trade, survive with no heavy industry and 
without merchant vessels? Would not a 
restriction of heavy industry to its 1929 
peacetime level of 19.3 percent of Japan's 
total manufactures suffice? Could not a rea- 
sonable limit be placed upon merchant ves- 
sel tonnage operating under the Japanese 

Again, can permanent peace be estab- 
lished in the Pacific almost wholly upon a 
foundation of repressive measures against 
Japan? The problem of peace in the Pacific 
is the problem of world peace. Building 
American outposts in Formosa and Korea 
"to protect Korea from another Japanese in- 
vasion" and again bringing Port Arthur 
under Russian domination will add noth- 
ing to a Pacific peace. It will only increase 
nationalistic tensions in the Korea-Man- 
churia region and set the stage for another 
explosion there an explosion in which 
Japan would play a minor role. 

Part of the reason for the reviewer's im- 
patience with this book is found in the 
foreword, where the author states that he 
felt the problem was beyond the scope of 
any one individual and, therefore, "I have 
sought the views of many who will prob- 
ably have to dp with making the peace. 
. . ." Even this method of collecting ideas 
should not have barred Mr. Fleisher from 
presenting the material in more orderly 
fashion, first screening it through his own 
mind. Out of a wealth of experience in 
Japan, Mr. Fleisher should have been able 
to produce a valuable book. It is to be re- 
gretted that he did not do so. 
Teacher in Japan 1921-41 JOE J. MICKLE 

ASIA ON THE MOVE: Population Pressure, 
Migration, and Resettlement in Eastern Asia 
under the Influence of Want and War, by 
Bruno Lasker. Holt. $3. 
addresses himself to a difficult topic- 
the causes, consequences, and prospects of 
migration in Eastern Asia. The task is 
hard not only because the data are scarce 
and the area huge, but because the subject 
has endless ramifications (as suggested by 
the subtitle). Yet the book, sponsored by 
the Institute of Pacific Relations, makes 
an admirable effort to cover the field in 
brief and simple fashion. It does not pre- 
tend to be a systematic treatise, but a short, 
informal discussion based on wide reading 
rather than research and meant to be a con- 
tribution to the agenda of peace. 

Each major part of the volume discusses 
the following areas: Southeast Asia, China, 
Japan, Korea, and the Soviet Far East, with 
some mention of India. After an introduc- 
tory section the author deals with internal 
migration within each of these. Next he 
considers international migration in con- 
nection with each, first with reference to 
recent trends and second with reference to 
postwar prospects. Finally, he deals with 
Asiatic migration beyond Asia, and in a 
brief section gives his conclusions. 

Where the author must necessarily de- 

The book that breaks the deadlock 
on news from Communist China 

by Harrison Forman 

Illustrated with the author's 
superb photographs 

From the cave city of Yenan, the world's 
most remote fighting capital, comes this first- 
hand account of the courageous fighters who 
are outlawed by Chungking and feared by 
the Japanese. It is the first book-length re- 
port to reach America after six years of 
silence. Stripping aside the secrecy and mys- 
tery imposed by the Kuomintang, veteran 
correspondent Harrison Forman brings back 
an objective, unbiased report of what he 
personally saw and learned in Red China. 

REPORT FROM RED CHINA is a bombshell of 
information. It gives the full and complete 
story of one of the most amazing fighting 
.forces in the history of this war, and backs up 
the report with documents never before 
printed in this country, and with facts never 
before revealed. 


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For every American 
interested in 
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"In compact but readable form 
Stuart Chase has thrown upon 
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solved if democracy is going 
to survive. It is the problem 
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This is the fourth vol- 
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scribe events in occupied areas, his fund of 
current information and general plausibility 
suggest reasonable validity. Future plans 
must utilize whatever knowledge is avail- 
able and some attempt to show what is 
happening is better than none at all. The 
Institute of Pacific Relations has done real 
service by sponsoring venturesome and 
somewhat journalistic descriptions of cur- 
rent conditions when scarcity of data and 
time make strictly scholarly work almost 

The author makes it clear that migration 
depends, and will increasingly depend, on 
world trade and industrial capital, rather 
than simply, as often popularly conceived, 
upon the existence of open spaces. For this 
and other reasons he feels that the demo- 
graphic center of gravity in China will 
probably not move permanently westward; 
that Western influence and Western people 
will not be excluded from Asia but will 
continue to live there on a more equal and 
permanent basis; that the old type of 
"coolie" migration is definitely a thing of 
the past; and that permanent international 
migrations in huge volume are less likely 
than, for purposes of labor, short-term sea- 
sonal migration, adequately protected and 
paid and using modern fast means of 

He does not expect that Asiatics will 
seek entry to occidental countries to relieve 
population pressure, but thinks they will 
continue to resent exclusion policies based 
purely on race. He considers that the' 

tunity tor movement away from congested 
areas, provided the planning is carefully 

A certain lack of focus and clarity oc- 
casionally arises, especially with reference 
to general principles. For instance, in one 
of the most crucial matters the question 
of how the rapid and unpropitious growth 
of Asiatic populations can be halted with- 
out increased mortality the author's posi- 
tion is not easy to determine. This criti- 
cism, however, applies to most migration 
literature, and should not obscure the fact 
that the present work contains a wealth of 
relevant material and intelligent interpre- 
tation. It is a workmanlike contribution 
to contemporary debate on an important 


Office of Population Research 
Princeton University 

nard Baker. Scribner. #3.50. 

more of the author himself than of the 
ostensible subject upon which attention is 
intended to be focused. This second volume 
of the Ray Stannard Baker ("David Gray- 
son") autobiography might more appropri- 
ately be classified as "Memoirs." Character- 
izations of significant individuals Clemen- 
ceau, Lloyd George, Eugene V. Debs, Ida 
Tarbell, and thumb-nail sketches of im- 
portant events the Pullman strike, Coxey's 
Army direct attention away from, rather 
than to, the author. 

President Harding is thus summarized: 
"Like so many Americans, he simply cov- 
ered his eyes to disagreeable facts and bol- 
stered his optimism with gushing enthusi- 
asm about the greatness of America." 
Charles Evans Hughes, as Secretary of 
State, was to Baker "a sturdy, erect person- 
ality, with a gift for vigorous and often 
pungent English" who "presented cogently 
every possible reason for doing nothing." 
Baker saw Hughes as "the impressive advo- 
cate of Harding's weakness and fear." He 
quoted President Wilson as saying of 
Hughes, "He has certain qualities of in- 
dustry in a prepared course, but goes to the 
core of nothing." 

There is infinitely more autobiography in 
the bucolic "David Grayson" series of 
Baker's alter ego, beginning with the heart- 
warming "Adventures in Contentment" 
than there is in "American Chronicle." Yet 
his sympathetic reaction to the wide range 
of personalities who rubbed his elbows or 
clasped his hand over three quarters of a 
century, carry conviction that more con- 
scious expositions of indiscretions or preju- 
dices would lack. There is little clash be- 
tween the reporter-historian Baker and the 
rustic philosopher "Grayson." They have 
the same profile. The unwritten great 
American novel might well supply a full 

This is the story of a sensitive and hum- 
ble man who, unlike Henry Adams, found 
in Woodrow Wilson a leader he could sup- 
port and to whom he could give devotion, 
understanding, and loyalty. As Wilson's 
press representative at Versailles, and later 
as his official biographer, Mr. Baker can 
and does write with high authority. Tolstoy 

Asiatic area itself affords plenty of oppor- 

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHICJ 


has observed that no two men see the truth 
alike. Here and there one suspects Baker 
of superimposing a part of his own fine 
qualities on those of his hero. As he left 
the simple service at Woodrow Wilson's 
funeral, he found himself repeating from 
"The Brothers Karamazov": "'The just 
man passeth away, but his light remaineth: 
and it is after the Savior's death that men 
most are saved. Mankind will reject and 
kill their prophets, but will love their 
martyrs and honor those whom they have 
done to death.' " 

For twelve years Baker had consciously 
devoted his abilities and energies to an en- 
deavor to make Wilson's influence more 
potent. After 1922, he was to devote 
another fourteen years to inscribing a per- 
manent tablet to project that influence 
among succeeding generations. Not the 
least of his tributes to Woodrow Wilson 
is that that statesman could attract and 
hold, in memory, as well as in life, the un- 
measured devotion of such a man as Ray 
Stannard Baker. 

Cornwall, N. Y. 

AGRICULTURE, by Karl Brandt. Norton. 

democratic structure of the Weimar Repub- 
lic, produced some brilliant scholars and 
champions of the cause of world peace and 
international collaboration. Among these 
was Karl Brandt, a young economist of 
great promise, who because of his demo- 
cratic views was forced to leave Germany 
when Hitler came into power. 

Coming to the United States, Mr. Brandt 
distinguished himself in academic circles 
and, as professor of agricultural economics 
on the staff of the Food Research Institute, 
Stanford University, he is regarded today 
as a leading authority in matters dealing 
with world food requirements. With Sir 
John Orr of Scotland and F. L. McDougall 
of Australia, Mr. Brandt believes in the 
idea of building a peace on the foundation 
of a sound international program that will 
solve the problems of agricultural surpluses 
on the one hand, ^nd underconsumption 
on the other. 

In this new book, Mr. Brandt brings to- 
gether the important facts which must be 
faced in the postwar economic reconstruc- 
tion of the world. He envisions a coopera- 
tive world in which there would be no in- 
surmountable tariff barriers and impedi- 
ments to foreign trade. The point of view 
throughout is that of the school of thought 
which hopes for postwar freedom of en- 
terprise between nations. 

The author points to the desirability of 
low tariffs and the widest possible interna- 
tional exchange of goods. He reasons that 
there should be no food surpluses, consider- 
ing the world's food needs. He makes an 
effective plea for a broader plane of inter- 
national collaboration in the fields of trade, 
expanded capital exports, and stabilized 
currencies. He stresses the fallacy of bi- 
lateral trading between nations and sug- 
gests that such an arrangement is the in- 
evitable precursor of war. The solution he 

offers to the problems presented depends 
clearly, of course, on whether the postwar 
world will be the kind he hopefully pic- 
tures. He presents no alternative which 
might have to be adopted should we fail at 
establishing a relatively free international 

The book is probably the best to date on 
the all-important subject of food and agri- 
culture in the postwar world. It is writ- 
ten in a style that will please not only the 
professional economist but likewise interest 
the general reader, bent on being intelli- 
gently informed about the vital issues at 
stake issues which must be faced if we 
and the coming generation are to enjoy 
an era of peace. M. L. WILSON 

Director of Cooperative Extension Wor\ 
War Food Administration 
U. S. Department of Agriculture 

Ortega y Gasset, translated with an intro- 
duction by Howard Lee Nostrand. Prince- 
ton University Press. $2. 


higher education that we hear and read 
today are carried on with almost exclusive 
reference to the institutions of our own 
country. It is, therefore, refreshing and 
stimulating to have a distinguished Euro- 
pean thinker deal with these problems 
without the assumptions that underlie most 
of our American criticisms and proposals. 
Indeed, so far is the author from being 
swayed by American practice that he seems 
to be totally unaware of it. "Is it per- 
chance," he asks, "a mere accident that 
only Europe has possessed universities, 
among so many peoples?" Nevertheless, 
there is much in this little volume with a 
direct bearing upon our problems. 

In Ortega's view, the moderri university 
concerns itself with two things: (1) train- 
ing for the learned professions; (2) scien- 
tific research and the training of investi- 
gators. "Compared with the medieval uni- 
versity, the contemporary university has 
developed the mere seed of professional in- 
struction into an enormous activity; it has 
added the function of research; and it has 
abandoned almost entirely the teaching or 
transmission of culture." He wishes to re- 
store culture to a primary place in the uni- 
versity, and to detach research from it. He 
demies culture as "the vital system of ideas 
of a period," and the lack of it he asserts 
to be the cause of our present woes. "The 
convulsive situation in Europe at the pres- 
ent moment [he is writing in 1930, before 
the fall of the Spanish dictatorship] is due 
to the fact that the average Englishman, 
the average Frenchman, the average Ger- 
man are uncultured. They are ignorant of 
the essential system of ideas concerning the 
world and man, which belong to our time." 

About the content of culture, so under- 
stood, Ortega is quite specific. The great 
cultural disciplines are the physical scheme 
of the world; the fundamental themes of 
organic life; the historical process of the 
human species; the structure and function- 
ing of social life; the plan of the universe. 

One may note that there is no recogni- 
tion here of the division that pervades edu- 
cational discussion among us, between 

science and the humanities; and, being 
ignorant of the American conception of the 
undergraduate college, he does not consider 
its claim to serve the cultural purpose he 

The intrusion of research into the teach- 
ing university he finds disastrous, since in 
addition to having led to the elimination of 
culture, "it has deflected attention from the 
problem of how best to train professionals 
for their professions." With some passion 
he observes that "any nincompoop that has 
been six months in a school or laboratory 
in Germany or North America, any parrot 
that has made a third rate scientific dis- 
covery, comes back a nouveau riche of 
science. Without having reflected a quarter 
of an hour on the mission of the university, 
he propounds the most pedantic and ridic- 
ulous reforms. Moreover he is incapable of 
teaching his own courses, for he has no 
grasp of the discipline as a whole." 

Having thus separated research from the 
university, Ortega is rhapsodic about the 
achievements of science, but somewhat ob- 
scure as to the kind of organization by 
which the university is to draw from 
science its dignity and the breath of its life, 
while excluding investigators from its walls. 
There are many provocative and pene- 
trating passages in these lectures, notably 
that on the "principle of economy in edu- 
cation," in which he attacks the modern 
university for its pretense of doing far 
more than is possible, and ignoring the 
limitations of the learning capacity of the 
ordinary student. "The university of today 
... is a tropical underbrush of subject mat- 
ters. . . . The principle of economy not 
only implies that it is necessary to econo- 
mize in the subject matter to be offered. 
It has a further implication: that the or- 
ganization of higher education . . . must be 
based upon the student, and not upon the 
professor or upon knowledge." 

A rousing and courageous book, with 
much to contribute to the solution of our 
educational problems. 

Former President, Smith College 

TION, by Fred B. Millett. Harcourt, Brace. 


sider me competent to review his book for 
he believes that, with a few exceptions, 
college presidents are incapable of "more 
than the obvious banalities about the signi- 
ficance" of the educational process. How- 
ever, he is equally truculent towards his 
faculty brethren and despite his studied 
provocative style, or perhaps because of it, 
the book should be read by both presidents 
and faculties. 

The author rehearses all the familiar 
criticisms of the conventional college and 
conventional scholarship. Some are real 
and serious, but it is only fair to add that 
forces apparently unrecognized by the 
author are at work to correct them. We 
can agree that Mr. Millett has directed his 
fire at vulnerable points. But many of us 
will not agree that he has found the cure 
for the evils he describes. 

His cure is to "restore" the humanities 

For every serious student 
of political economy 

England in the 




By Helen Merrell Lynd 

Emery Neff of Columbia Uni- 
versity says: "This historical study 
of the first transition from in- 
dividualism to collectivism in a 
modern industrial society is of the 
highest importance for our under- 
standing of the present spread of 
a similar tendency to a world 
scale." $4.50 

114 Fifth Avenue, N. Y. 1 1 

a new edition of . . . 



With an introductory essay 

A re-issue of Miss Addams' favor- 
ite book. She well knew that to- 
day's hungry children are the 
soldiers of tomorrow's Caesar. 
And she knew, too, that the 
United States must lead the na- 
tions into "a wider life of co- 
ordinated political activity." 
Lead; not drive them like sheep. 
But, in 1922, Peace and Bread 
was ahead of its time. That time 

is now. 

(292 pages; paper bound) 

(292 pages; paper bound) 

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to chief place in the hierarchy of the col- 
lege curriculum. The "primary objective 
of liberal education," he asserts, "is the 
analysis and discrimination of values" 
found in "literature, the arts, philosophy, 
religion and history." True, no one will 
claim that any college which does not edu- 
cate its students in these subjects can prop- 
erly be said to be liberal. But this does not 
imply that a liberal education should pay 
only lip service to the natural sciences and 
the social studies. 

Education that aims at polishing the 
individual or making him adept only in 
abstract thinking about humanistic values 
tends to make him but a spectator of life, 
a self-centered, introspective, sterile person, 
not a participant. Science and the social 
studies are an integral part of our culture. 
They contribute their values to life and 
nothing is gained by exalting "humane" 
values and belittling the others. 

Mr. Millett writes that "on the scale of 
human values the humanities rank highest 
because these disciplines are primarily con- 
cerned . . . with individual and humane 
values." I have read this sentence several 
times and confess that for me it is but 
reasoning in a circle. The humanists are 
in confusion regarding values. I suspect 
that the term is a euphemism for "ab- 
solutes." If so, why not face the fact that 
there are absolutes in life? I for one should 
go along with them if they would. 

I suspect that what I have written will 
brand me in some quarters as no friend of 
the humanities. On the contrary I am their 
warm friend as I think my record proves. 
But I am no more a friend to their im- 
perialistic ambitions than I am to the im- 
perialistic pretensions of science. The con- 
tending claims of the humanities and 
science for universality for their subjects 
leads nowhere. By asserting universality 
the humanists only make it harder for 
their friends to defend the humanities. 

President, Princeton University 

Journey in Search of a Theme for a War 
and a War Film, by Arthur Miller. Reynal 
&. Hitchcock. #2. 

cided "to make a soldier picture which 
soldiers would sit through without once 
laughing in derision," he bought Ernie 
Pyle's book and hired Arthur Miller to go 
out among men of the Army Ground 
Forces to get supplementary material. This 
book is the record of Mr. Miller's travels 
trying to find out "what this war and what 
this army meant to a lot of guys who were 
being soldiers." And quite apart from the 
fate of the resultant movie, "G.I. Joe," this 
simple record of what Mr. Miller saw and 
felt and conversations he had with men in 
many stages of training, from a Reception 
Center to an Officers Candidate School, con- 
tains much interesting information on the 
molding of American boys into soldiers and 
what they think about while this is going 

versal reason which makes it possible for 
so many different sorts of men to be willing 
to risk so much in battle for their America. 
He thinks that he found it, expressed in 
almost as many different ways as the men 
he talked with. They are not fighting to 
keep things the same or for free enterprise 
or even for jobs, as has been so much ad- 
vertised. But, simply, "that we believe all 
men are equal. We really believe it, most 
of us, and because a powerful force has 
arisen in the world dedicated to making the 
people of the world us included unequal, 
we have therefore decided to fight." He 
presents much telling evidence to sustain 
this conclusion. 

In battle, faith in their leaders and enemy 
pressure, together with belief in our cause, 
will make our soldiers fight well up to the 
end. But what of the postwar future? 
There is such a gap between the unity of 
men in battle and the apparent dissidence 
on the home front that the impact of the 
return of our fighting men is bound to be 
tremendous, both individually and collec- 
tively. Will the old incentives of our civil- 
ization suffice to take the place of the war- 
time dedication of our fighting men? That 
is one big challenge of this war and how it 
is met may well determine whether we will 
win the peace, too. 

Fort Dix, N. f. 


(Continued from page 118) 

Mr. Miller set out to find, in addition to 
local color and characters, evidence of what 
he calls Belief among soldiers, of a uni- 
anstvering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,) 

endeavors at international organization will 
decide the success or failure of efforts to 
achieve lasting peace. This is no mere pre- 
diction, but is based on the solid experi- 
ence of the past. 

The significance attached by Miss 
Addams to the need for food points to a 
trait which animates almost every page of 
"Peace and Bread" for the association of 
the two words in the title is fundamental. 

The need for bread is a symbol of the 
importance accorded by Miss Addams to 
natural impulse and primitive affection. 
Her faith in them was the source of her 
interest in "social settlements"; it was 
nourished by the experiences that centered 
in Hull House. 

All who knew Miss Addams also know 
of her insistence that sharing in the activi- 
ties which issued from Hull House was not 
a matter of doing good to others as bene- 
ficiaries; those who took part had more to 
receive than to give. She had a deep feel- 
ing that the simple, the "humble" peoples 
of the earth are those in whom primitive 
impulses of friendly affection are the least 
spoiled, the most spontaneous. Her faith 
in democracy was indissolubly associated 
with this belief. It permeates what she 
wrote because it was a part of the life she 
lived from day to day. Her own life was 
an active anticipation of what a recent 
writer has put into words: "Society will 
develop by living it, not by policing it." 

Miss Addams did not put her trust in the 
"Carlyle contention that the peoples must 
be led into the ways of righteousness by 


By Joanna Carver Colcord 

Contributing Editor to SURVEY GRAPHIC 

A distinguished social worker and author, Joanna 
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the experience, acumen, and virtues of the 
great man." Her faith was at the opposite 
pole. Leaders, whether political or intel- 
lectual, were to her trustees for the interests 
of the common people. Theirs was the 
duty and the task of giving articulate and 
effective form to the common impulses she 
summed up in the word "Fellowship." 

Were Jane Addams with us today her 
voice and pen would tell us how the events 
of the years which have intervened between 
two world wars have intensified the evils 
which will surely follow if leaders betray 
the trust committed to them events which 
have deepened the need for those humane 
processes and organs which alone can bring 
hope of enduring peace to a tragically 
torn and bleeding world. 


(Continued from page 129) 

the terror of his previous school soon dis- 
appeared. His classmates never learned that 
he was only ten years old. 

Some time ago the school enrolled a pu- 
pil with a misshapen palate and upper lip. 
Facially and vocally deformed, the boy had 
been ridiculed so much and punished so 
much for assaulting his tormentors that he 
wore the look of a hunted animal. Before 
he entered his new class, the teacher told 
the pupils that they were to prove their 
good characters by not taking any notice 
of his affliction. For the first time in his 
life, other children received him as an 
equal. He advanced two years in reading 
ability in a single term, distinguished him- 
self in the woodworking shop, and, accord- 
ing to the psychiatrists at a New York 
clinic who had long dealt with his dis- 
couraging case, "simply exuded happiness 
and contentment." Even his speech im- 
proved. When he graduated a few years 
ago, he gave an intelligible talk before the 
entire school. 

The teachers maintain a fund to pur- 
chase eye-glasses for pupils who cannot af- 
ford them, and assist in other ways. One 
of their oddest contributions ' was made on 
behalf of a boy who was totally bald. He 
arrived at the school under the wing of 
the usual truant officer, his shiny head 
hidden under a leather skull cap, and his 
face marked by the sullen bitterness of a 
long martyrdom. First, Mrs. Rashkis senl 
him to a clinic to see if there was any 
chance of restoring his hair. This proved 
impossible, so the teachers clubbed together 
and bought him a toupee. "After he be- 
gan looking human, he turned out to be 
quite a nice boy," the principal said. 

Alumni of P.S. 37 

Of course, P. S. 37 does not succeed in 
salvaging every pupil. Sometimes the de- 
structive patterns are too deeply set, or 
the home situation is so bad that commit- 
ment to an institution furnishes the only 
answer. But, in the vast majority of cases, 
the graduates get jobs or enter high school, 
and move along the road to useful citizen- 

(Continued on page 140) 

William H. Kilpatrick 
Member, Editorial Advisory Board 



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That the school's influence does not end 
when the boys leave is shown by the loy- 
alty of its former pupils. Hardly a day 
goes by when at least one does not drop 
in to tell Mrs. Rashkis about a new job, 
introduce his bride, bring pictures of his 
children, or show a decoration awarded 
overseas. I saw a redheaded marine cor- 
poral who had just come back from the 
South Pacific with ribbons indicating a 
Purple Heart and a Presidential Unit Cita- 
tion. When Mrs. Rashkis introduced him 
as a former pupil, the boys sang "The 
Halls of Montezuma" with a fervor that 
shook the auditorium. 

"I didn't deserve all that praise," he said 
afterward. "The praise should go to the 
teachers who made men of us." 

According to Judge Marchisio, schools 
such as P. S. 37 established through the 

nation would mean a long step toward the 
cure of juvenile delinquents. P. S. 37, with 
its smaller classes and extra personnel, costs 
more than the average New York public 
school; but as Dr. Frank J. O'Brien, asso- 
ciate superintendent of schools, points out, 
the added expense is small compared to 
the cost of institutional care and possible 
imprisonment to say nothing of broken 
lives. "And many of the features are not 
dependent on extra cost," Dr. O'Brien says. 
"The spirit of friendliness, the concern for 
the pupil's self-respect, and the use of re- 
sponsibility to build self-confidence can be 
applied anywhere that there are wise and 
sympathetic teachers." Even if a commu- 
nity is too small to afford a separate school, 
the same principles can be applied. This 
kind of school atmosphere can, in fact, 
bring out the best side of all children. 


(Continued jrom page 122) 

nursing personnel, in hospitals and medical 
schools, and research laboratories, the ac- 
tual delivery of service to low income 
families is woefully inadequate. 

The reason why shortage of medical care 
operates far above the range of families 
lacking in respect to food or shelter is that 
medical care is so variable a factor that 
only at very high economic levels is it 
possible to budget for its emergencies. 

At reasonably high income levels, a con- 
siderable part of the problem can be solved 
by systems of voluntary prepayment, com- 
bined with group practice to furnish care 
with efficiency and economy. So far as the 
single factor of the hospital bill is con- 
cerned, some 16,000,000 people are now 
covered by the various "Blue Cross" pre- 
payment plans. 

If the lower half of the population is to 
be served, however (and if many of those 
above this level are to receive completely 
adequate care), the only practical procedure 
which will solve the problem is compulsory 
insurance. Under this plan a contribution 
to the insurance fund is required by law 
from every worker in certain industries and 
trades and from every white-collar worker 
below a certain income level. Employers 
are required to contribute to the fund 
(often on a fifty-fifty basis); and the state 
may add a small subsidy out of taxes. The 
Health Program Conference which recently 
reported on the "Principles of a Nation- 
wide Health Program" concludes that such 
a system, to be effective, must cover "all or 
most of the population"; that "it is essen- 
tial that financial participation in the sys- 
tem be required by law"; and that the plan 
should provide for complete medical and 
hospital care and preventive services. [See 
"Health for the Nation," by Michael M. 
Davis, Survey Graphic, December, 1944.] 

Parallel with the evolution of such an 
orderly system of prepayment, there must 
be developed equally important reforms in 
the technique of rendering service, with 
organized groups of general physicians and 
specialists in due proportions, pooled use of 

equipment and assistant personnel, and af- 
filiation with a hospital. Through well- 
organized group practice under a prepay- 
ment plan, about twice as much physicians' 
and auxiliary service may be furnished for 
the same total expenditures as Americans 
are accustomed to spend for comparable 
care. Even more important is the fact that 
group practice is the only means of main- 
taining and promoting a high quality of 
medical care; for, in this field, quality is 
more important than quantity. The facil- 
ities provided for good medical practice in 
a well-equipped hospital health center, the 
relief from clerical and financial respon- 
sibility, and the stimulus of intimate con- 
tact with professional colleagues in a com- 
mon task have proved most powerful in- 
fluences in promoting quality of medical 

Group payment and group practice are 
the two avenues of approach to this im- 
portant problem; and they are avenues 
which can be pursued without too much 
alarm about the bogie men supposed to 
lurk in the bushes beside the road. All 
that is proposed is a program by which hos- 
pitals and physicians shall be encouraged to 
cooperate in the rendering of efficient serv- 
ice and by which the public shall cooperate 
in a rational method of accumulating funds 
to pay for such service. 

This is why the American Public Health 
Association, at its meeting last fall, adopted 
an official policy which states that "a na- 
tional program for medical care should 
make available to the entire population all 
essential preventive, diagnostic, and cura- 
tive service." This is why the American 
Dental Association has declared that "den- 
tal care should be available to all regardless 
of income or geographic location." This is 
why Mayor La Guardia has approved a 
program of complete medical care for all 
employes of New York City, jointly sup- 
ported by the employes and the city itself. 
This is why Governor Earl Warren has 
sponsored a compulsory insurance bill for 
California. This is why the Wagner-Mur- 

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Foreword by 


Medical Director, National 
Committee for Mental Hygiene 

"By far the most valuable 
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ing to make good civilians 
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ray-Dingell bill has been brought belon 
Congress. The time is ripe for action. 

Mental Health 

In considering the problems of the 
future, we must not forget that mental and 
emotional health is fully as momentous a 
problem as so-called "physical" health. In 
any given community, the number of in- 
stitutional beds occupied by patients suf- 
fering from mental and nervous disorders 
is nearly equal to the number of beds oc- 
cupied by sufferers from all other forms 
of disease taken together. Furthermore, 
this ratio is likely to increase in the future. 
This will result from three causes. 

First, our present institutional facilities 
are in most states inadequate; as new 
beds for mental and nervous diseases are 
provided, they will be occupied by patients 
who should be hospitalized but have not 
previously been admitted because of lack of 
space. Second, since the average period of 
institutional care for such diseases is much 
more than a year, even a fixed rate of 
annual admissions will cause a progressive 
increase in total hospital population. Third, 
the steady advance in the mean age of our 
population inevitably involves an increased 
total incidence in mental disorders of senile 
degenerative type. We must, therefore, be 
prepared to increase our present institu- 
tional facilities in most states and to im- 
prove their physical and professional stan- 
dards in nearly all states. 

Advanced cases of mental disease, of 
such a nature as to demand institutional 
care, constitute only a part of the problem. 
More important in their total influence on 
society are the relatively minor emotional 
problems the doubts and fears and uncer- 
tainties and maladjustments which, in 
greater or less degree, handicap all of us 
in the conduct of our daily lives. These are 
not identical with the more specific and 
serious forms of mental disease with which 
the psychiatrist deals in a state hospital. 
This is, perhaps, why the institutional 
psychiatrist, whose experience is with ad- 
vanced stages of specific disease, often fails 
to comprehend the possibilities of mental 

The two areas undoubtedly overlap. The 
mental hygiene clinic will keep some in- 
dividuals from developing their emotional 
tendencies so 'far as to require institutional 
care. In the main, however, the fields are 
distinct. There is an analogy here with 
pneumonia and the common cold. Colds 
may predispose to pneumonia, but in them- 
selves are primarily important as causes of 
disability. Yet there is one vital difference 
between these two fields. We cannot, as 
yet, do much to control the common cold; 
while, thanks to new methods of therapy, 
we can do much to control pneumonia 
mortality. On the other hand, our mental 
institutions can restore perhaps a third of 
their patients to reasonably normal life; 
while the mental hygiene clinic can ac- 
complish far more significant results. 

The war has presented us with a vital 

challenge to improve this branch of our 

community facilities. Colonel 'L. G. Rown- 

tree of Selective Service has told us that 

(Continued on page 144) 

New York Sun: "Drive is Begun on 

New York Times: "Some Plain English 
on Epilepsy." 


Public Affairs Pamphlet No. 98 

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Must ignorance of the scientific facts 
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Help To spread the truth that epileptics 
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30 Rockefeller Plaza 
New York 20, N. Y. 


The publication of a monograph for use 
by physicians, psychiatrists, psychothera- 
pists, social workers, clergymen, patients 
and relatives: 


by Robert V . Seliger, M.D., Instructor in 
Psychiatry, .T*hns Hopkins University Medical 
School; Assistant Visiting Psychiatrist, Johns 
Hopkins Hospital; Medical Director, Haarlem 
Lodge, Catonsville, Md. ; Medical Director, The 
Farm for Alcoholic Patients, Howard County, 
Md. ; Executive Director, The National Commit- 
tee on Alcohol Hygiene, Inc. 

and Victoria Cranford, Psychotherapist and Ror- 
schach Analyst, Haarlem Lodge. Catonsville, 
Md.; The Farm for Alcaholic Patients, Howard 
County, Md. 

edited by: 

Harold S. Goodwin, Day City Editor, The Balti- 
more Sun, Baltimore, Md. 


1. The Purpose of this Monograph's Therapy 

(Treatment) . 

2. Are You an Alcoholic? 

3. IF You Are An Alcoholic. 

4. What Really Drives You to Drink? 

5. Alcoholism Doesn't Make Sense. 

6. Taking The Mental Hurdles.